Abstract This article examines the inscriptional narratives of the chime bells of Lord Qiu of Zeng (c. 650 bce ) and Marquis Yu of Zeng (c. 500 bce ). These inscriptions were carefully crafted as speeches integral to ritual performances, tailored to address the distinct political and social concerns of their donors. Through an analysis of their composition, textual content, historical context, and materiality, this article explores the messages Qiu and Yu intended to convey and the utility these narratives served via the medium of bronze bells and inscriptions. It argues that while Lord Qiu of Zeng sought to legitimize and celebrate Zeng’s superior position, Marquis Yu of Zeng aimed to affirm loyalty to Chu while simultaneously asserting Zeng’s autonomous position within Chu’s political order.

Abstract This study identifies two textual strata in the “Zhao shijia” of the Shi ji: the “wo 我 stratum” and the “legendary stratum.” While the “wo stratum” points to the existence of Zhao local historical records, the “legendary stratum” reveals an interpretive framework that guides the chapter's presentation of the Zhao history toward the central concern and anxiety over the succession of lineage and power. The series of prophetic dreams and supernatural encounters that were emplotted in the narrative of Zhao history comprise this “legendary stratum” and point toward a key figure, King Wuling of Zhao, during whose time the Zhao state reached its pinnacle of power and prosperity. Accounts that are clearly fabrications, such as the story of the orphan of Zhao and later prophecies of the decline of the Zhao, show hidden connections to the personal experience of Sima Qian and to possible political dissent and discourses criticizing Emperor Wu of Han. In identifying such fabricated “empty writing” hidden in the chapter's framework of interpretive emplotment, this article aims to offer one way to read the Shi ji's account for the hereditary house of Zhao that follows a coherent pattern on the meta-level of historical narrative.

Abstract By systematically analyzing the relative relationship between complete bronze inscription dates, this study deduces the lunar phases described by the specialized terms jishengba 既生霸, jiwang 既望, and jisiba 既死霸, finding that the term chuji 初吉 is unrelated to the lunar phase. The study then reconstructs a complete chronology of Western Zhou that is highly consistent with archaeological and textual evidence. The results support the traditional notion that the Zhou calendar year began in the month containing the winter solstice, and show that the Western Zhou calendar month began with the first invisibility of the waning lunar crescent while the calendar day began at sunrise. The overall evidence indicates that King Wu 武王 led an initial campaign against the Shang in 1046 b.c.e. and defeated Zhòu 紂 in 1044 b.c.e., lending credence to the narrative of the military display at Mengjin (觀兵孟津). The derived chronology reveals a previously unknown seven-year gap between King You's 幽王 final year and King Ping's 平王 first year, thus explaining the discrepancies between Shi ji 史記 and the archaeological evidence. This study demonstrates that the Modern Text (jinben 今本) Bamboo Annals 竹書紀年 is unsuitable for use in chronological studies, and suggests that the dates of Western Zhou were already obscure in Eastern Zhou. These results provide testable hypotheses and raise new questions that can guide further research into Western Zhou archaeology, history, society, and culture.

Abstract Du Fu, one of the two most celebrated poets of the Tang, was very much a product of his era in the way that he found a usable past in Han-dynasty verse, episodes, and people. From 750 on, his writings were replete with allusions to the Han, some subtle and others more forthright. Taken together, these allusions suggest his firm beliefs in the course of history determined by human moral agency, in morality as “a man's own charge”; also in the role of fate determining the succession of dynasties, even as he deplored the workings of capricious fate on individual lives. Such beliefs are unremarkable in content, being much closer to conventional Tang concepts of the individual than most commentaries on Du Fu allow.

Abstract Michael Loewe has repeatedly and as recently as 2021 looked at how Confucius appears in Han sources and has drawn attention to his lack of prominence, at least to the degree one might expect. Here, a preliminary assessment of the sources of opposition to Buddhism in one key sixth-century c.e. collection of polemics further demonstrates that adherence to mingjiao 名教 (Teaching of a Good Name) or to lijiao 禮教 (teaching on ritual) appears there as the main identifiers of opponents; rujiao, the term often later translated as “Confucianism,” is mentioned but once. While the commitment to values such as filial piety promoted by opponents of Buddhism is clear; their institutional coherence and self-awareness as a group does not seem to have been at all on a par with that of the Buddhist community. That situation did not start to shift until the Tang dynasty.

Abstract This article looks beyond the dichotomy between silence (mo 默) and speech (yan 言) and discusses the functions of and attitudes toward silence in the Yanzi chunqiu 晏子春秋 as a case representing the variety of ideas of silence in early China. In the West, silence has been widely explored in fields such as religion and theology, linguistic studies, and communication and literary studies. The consensus has moved away from viewing silence as abstaining from speech and utterance—and therefore absence of meaning and intention, toward seeing it as a culturally dependent and significant aspect of communication. However, beyond a number of studies discussing unspoken teachings in relation to early Daoism, silence has received little attention in early China studies. This article approaches the functions of silence by pursuing questions regarding its rhetorical, emotive, political, and ethical aspects. Instead of searching for the nature of silence and asking what silence is, this article poses alternative questions: How do ancient Chinese thinkers understand the act of silence? What are the attitudes toward silence in early China? How does silence foster morality? How does silence function as performative remonstrance? How is it used for political persuasion? How does silence draw the attention of and communicate with readers and audiences? How does silence allow time for contemplation, reflection, and agreement among participants? How is silence related to various intense emotional states? These questions lead us to reflect on previous scholarship which regarded silence in early China as the most spontaneous and natural way to grasp the highest truth, which is unpresentable and inexpressible through articulated speech and artificial language. In this sense, the notion of the unspoken teaching is not only understood in opposition to speech, but also as a means to reveal the deficiency of language and the limits of speech. However, through a survey of dialogues, stories, and arguments in Yanzi chunqiu, I show that silence is explicitly marked and explained within the text, and is used actively, purposefully, and meaningfully, to persuade, inform, and motivate audiences. In other words, silence is anything but natural and spontaneous. Rather, it is intentionally adopted, carefully crafted, and publicly performed to communicate, remonstrate, criticize, reveal, and target certain ideas. That is to say, silence is as argumentative as speech and as arbitrary as language. Finally, an awareness of and sensitivity to silence provides a new perspective to engage with other early Chinese texts.

Analysis of Archaeobotanical Remains from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age.This dissertation investigates the emergence and development of agricultural practices in the southwest Chinese province of Yunnan, between the 3rd and 1st millennia c.e. Drawing from previously unstudied archaeobotanical remains from the sites of Baiyangcun, Haimenkou, and Dayingzhuang, this research analyses compositional and chronological changes in the crop assemblage from each site.These sites are located in the strategic region of sanjiang, at the crossroads of three main Asian rivers: Yangzi, Mekong, and Salween.Local and regional developments of agricultural systems are explored through the comparison of these new materials with other published datasets from Yunnan, the surrounding provinces of Sichuan, Tibet, Chongqing, Guangxi, and mainland Southeast Asian countries.The main research questions addressed in this dissertation are: What was the basis of early agriculture in Yunnan?Given that the first attested agricultural systems in Southwest China appear 3000 to 2000 years later than those associated with domestication centers in North China and along the Yangzi River, to what extent can agricultural practices in Yunnan be derived entirely from migrating farmers, or did adoption (acculturation) by local forager populations play a role?What role did native wild plants play in Yunnan Neolithic and Post-Neolithic subsistence, and were there any local processes of domestication underway?With regards to rice, what was the ecology of rice cultivation?Did this differ either from source regions along the Yangzi, or from the early systems in Southeast Asia, which have sometimes been suggested to have origins in Yunnan?The results contained in this thesis provide archaeological evidence that was until now lacking to evaluate the validity of the language/farming dispersal hypothesis in the context of the Austroasiatic languages dispersal, as well as laying an important archaeological and chronological framework for studying of the emergence of a settled agricultural lifestyle in Yunnan.

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