The relevance of the study is conditioned by many historical and modern aspects. In particular, by revealing the issues of creating an international organisation, it is possible to understand what functions the organisation had, and the purpose of the organisation's existence against the background of historical events and modernity. The purpose of the study is to highlight the prerequisites and history of the creation of the International organisation Group of Seven (also known as G7), to investigate the influence and significance of this organisation, both in the past and in the context of modern international relations. The scientific approach is based on methods of systematic analysis of other studies and publications, and analysis of documents, in particular, international treaties, memoranda, etc. In addition, historical and comparative, historical and system methods were used, which allowed determining the place of the organisation in the general historical process. The main results of scientific research should be considered the definition of both the prerequisites for the establishment of the Group of Seven and its results, namely: the activities and significance of the organisation, and the definition of the role of an international organisation in historical and modern contexts. Practical application of the results obtained in the course of research is possible as a tool for solving a number of both historiographical and political science problems. In particular, the study can help solve the problem of interstate relations between developed countries and developing countries, the problem of the political and economic unity of developed countries, the problem of relevance and loss of influence of Western countries, and the growth of influence of developing countries, the problem of the relevance of the G7 format and its replacement with the G20 format, etc.

Актуальність поданої теми теми полягає в необхідності дослідження процесу руйнування усталеного світу, колапсу системи міжнародних відносин, відсутністю розуміння і повним ігноруванням з боку агресора усіх гуманітарних важелів в ситуації війни і збройного протистояння. Теоретичний аналіз як метод дослідження слугує контекстом і основою для знаходження і опанування об’єктивною інформацією; діалектичний метод переливання кількісних складників у якісні є необхідним для віднайдення відповідних важелів виявлення і покарання агресора. При написанні статті були використані також ідеї теорії систем та для всього тексту запроваджено синергетичний метод. Мета статті полягає у дослідженні об›єктивних реалій сьогодення і знаходження можливих адекватних агресії відповідей для нейтралізації загарбника. В результаті дослідження автор розробила відповідну схему безпекового існування держави. Схеми Безпеки, що запроваджуються в міжнародних відносинах, мають кілька рівнів і варіантів захисту. В українському варіанті поза розбудовою власних безпекових ресурсів і закріплення партнерства стратегічного виміру, Україна сьогодні переважно розраховує на третій рівень колективного захисту, в якому беруть участь кілька держав, що об’єднують власні зусилля у протистоянні ворогові. Така схема, що нагадує безпекову мережу, містить різноманітні варіанти захисту. Задача очільників держави об’єднати найприйнятніші позиції трьох рівнів і запровадити відповідну логістичну складову із залученням НАТО схем там, де ООН потужності не спрацьовують

According to the data of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, there are more than 1,100 monuments to Shevchenko in the world: 99 are located in 44 countries, another 1,068 - in Ukraine. It is noted that a significant number of monuments that were constructed abroad were erected during the independence of Ukraine at the initiative of Ukrainian embassies and organizations of the Ukrainian diaspora. Therefore, it is considered useful and interesting to tell the story of the creation of these monuments by those people who contributed to this noble activity their energy, strength and patriotism. First of all, we are talking about the teams of embassies abroad and their heads - Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. It is further reported about a difficult situation that appeared with the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest in 2004 and 2005. Former Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary Yuriy Mushka initiated the erection of the monument to Taras Shevchenko without the consent of the Ukrainian community. The monument was made by a Hungarian sculptor and it did not look like Shevchenko at all. The Society of Ukrainian Culture of Hungary, headed by its chairman Yaroslava Khortiani, opposed the installation of this sculpture. Eventually, they achieved their goal, and the Hungarian authorities decided not to erect the monument. But on March 15 on the square in Budapest there was a pedestal for the monument to Taras Shevchenko without a bust. The Ukrainian community appealed to the new Ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary, Dmytro Tkach, to remove the bust from the square. The solution was very simple - to install this monument in the courtyard of the embassy. And since it is the Ukrainian territory, no permits from the Hungarian authorities were required. The Hungarians gladly accepted this proposal, and the TUKU leadership supported it. It is described in details what work was carried out by the Embassy of Ukraine for the production and installation of Taras Shevchenko Memorial in Budapest. The role of the leadership of self-government body of the second district of Budapest in providing of a place for the monument, the owners of the Industrial Union of Donbass and, first of all, Sergiy Taruta in providing financial support for the creation of this complex is mentioned. The selfless work of the Ukrainian sculptor, professor of the sculpture department of Lviv National Academy of Arts Ivan Mykytyuk was especially noted. For a little more than a month, this talented artist managed to create a three-meter sculpture of Kobzar, which was then made of bronze at a leading foundry in Budapest. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine announced that the world record of the largest number of erected monuments to the cultural figure now belongs to the Ukrainian poet, novelist and artist Taras Shevchenko. This titanic work on creation of a memorial dedicated to Taras Shevchenko in Budapest was completed in this way. On July 11, 2007, President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko had an official visit to Budapest, during which he and Hungarian President Leonid Shoiom opened the monument to Taras Shevchenko, a prominent Ukrainian poet and fighter for Ukrainian independence On March 23, 2013, Taras Shevchenko Square appeared in Budapest, on the same place where the monument to Great Kobzar was erected.

The article deals with the most crucial components of the current political and institutional crisis in Venezuela. A brief historical deflection into the events of 1989-2020 was made, which indicate, among other things, deep-seated left-wing political views and feelings amidst the majority of the population. This situation serves as a solid platform for strengthening the role of the ruling PSUV party and the present head of State, N. Maduro, in the country’s domestic politics. The political and institutional crisis in the above-mentioned oil-rich South American country has expanded sharply, after being elected Juan Guaidó, a representative of the opposition party VP («People’s Will») as a Chairman of the National Assembly on January 5, 2019. He challenged the prevailing President, declaring himself as the Acting head of State just on January 23, 2019. In this context, the key social and economic aftermaths of the crisis in present-day Venezuela are revealed, in particular, such as the GDP contraction, hyperinflation, growth of the population living in extreme economic poverty, an increase of Venezuelans forced to leave the country due to, above all, obvious signs of a humanitarian crisis. Deepening of the Venezuelan society in destructive processes, escalating of the political debates at the level of parties’ leaders, a lack of the transparent discussion in the public arena concerning the country’s future, to be a necessary condition for realizing the citizen’s rights to democratic choice, appear as consequences of the failure of Guaidó’s strategy. It was built in particular on the desired, but not achieved cessation the usurpation of power by Maduro. The postures of the main international players (USA, EU, OAS, «Lima Group», International Contact Group) are outlined with regard to the assessments of the domestic situation in Venezuela and suggestions for resolving the political crisis and restoring democracy in this country, in particular via introducing sanctions against Venezuelan officials and legal entities, as well as establishing a constructive dialogue between Maduro and the opposition. The main items of Ukraine’s official position on the «Venezuelan issue» had also been notified. In a nutshell, a conclusion is made that for a certain category of Ukrainian voters and for the majority of Venezuelans, despite the obvious differences, the issue of the public administration model remains rhetorical, authoritative, as an outcome of the improvement of democratization, or authoritarian one.

Academic peer-reviewed open-access journal that publishes original research and review articles in the field of historical and political science relating to the historical past, present, and prospects for international relations

Following article refl ects political and political military al liances as means to solve defense challenges that threaten sov ereignty and territorial integrity, among other those of Ukraine. The article evaluates several historical examples of such regional alliances, their benefi ts and drawbacks and how these aff ected the dynamics of international politics. Typical alliances established in pre-modern times, were either temporary and of personal nature or tended to develop into actual unions, limiting the sovereignty of its members. In the modern era though, military-political alliances prevailed, initiated either to perceive imperialist intentions or to protect sovereignty and territorial integrity. Such alliances became especially relevant after the First World War, as new independent states emerged under the terms of the Versailles system and a new confi guration of international borders was established. The examples of Little, Balkan and Baltic Ententes demonstrate the prime shortcoming of these alliances being unable to maintain eff ectiveness in the face of changing sources of threat, when former enemies became allies under new international circumstances. Given that the possibility of Ukraine’s membership to NATO still seems to be a distant pros pect and the need to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty from growing Russian aggression when the position of EU leaders is not always consolidated, further ways of countering Russian aggression must be explored, for instance accumulating possible political or even limited military assistance. From this perspective, it could be ef fective to establish close military-political ties with East European countries, which are as well aware of the degree of threat coming from Russia for their own sovereignty. Certain opportunities could be realized based on the ideas known as Intermarium Coalition in East-Central Europe, the Baltic to Black Sea Alliance, or though achieving Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) status for Ukraine.

Проаналізовані особливості функціонування сухопутного кордону США в умовах пандемії показали, що, незважаючи на зміну ситуації у сфері охорони здоров’я в Канаді та Мексиці, США не адаптували обмеження на сухопутних кордонах, що призвело до низки негативних соціально-економічних наслідків для всіх країн. Відсутність прозорості з боку федеральних чиновників США свідчить про відсутність чіткого плану дій для вирішення даного нагального питання. США продовжують жорсткий набір обмежень, які забороняють відкриття кордонів. Закриття кордону на державному рівні завдало шкоди компаніям, які покладаються на туристів для отримання доходів, а також завдало соціально-економічних втрат для прикордонних співтовариств. Констатується, що в США відсутній чіткий план для вирішення проблем прикордоння в умовах пандемії COVID-19. В цілому, федеральний план відновлення роботи кордону США буде залежати від позитивних умов для здоров’я населення, таких як низька кількість активних випадків захворювання і високий рівень вакцинації. Хоча поява нових дуже заразних штамів робить малоймовірним повернення кордону до нормального стану до пандемії в найближчому майбутньому. В цьому контексті збереження існуючих обмежень без публічного плану по їх ослабленню має політичну ціну. З огляду на вибори в Мексиці та Канаді, що відбулися у 2021 р., помилки лідерів в усуненні економічних і соціальних втрат, викликаних політикою пандемії на кордоні, є політичним тягарем. Тому, управління ризиками – це розумна стратегія як для політиків, так і для безпеки кордонів. У міру того, як офіційні особи США продовжують займатися прикордонною політикою країни в надзвичайних ситуаціях, прозорий розгляд різних економічних, соціальних і медичних ситуацій в Канаді і Мексиці має стати головним соціально-економічним пріоритетом

This paper considers the theoretical and practical approaches to the analysis of pressing and sensitive issues of international life, such as conflicts and threats in international relations. Their current multipolar model, as well as the previous bipolar one, is described by an expansive range of historically developed and new hybrid conflicts occurring in Europe and almost all parts of the world, which in themselves pose serious regional and global threats or result from such exacerbations. In a modernised political-scientific epistemological key, this article raises the question of the need to isolate and analyse the current diversity of international challenges, threats, and conflicts and their typification and structuring. For this reason, it is proposed to achieve greater specificity in the analysis of conflict situations and in understanding the possibilities of obtaining a certain geopolitical result from their settlement, namely in the confrontation between Ukraine and Russia. Thematically, using examples from world and Ukrainian diplomatic practice, the study presents analytical approaches to the issue of international threats based on the theory of international relations and relevant research in expert and academic circles on war, peace, and conflict studies. The methods of application of the Copenhagen School of Securitisation Theory, the Normandy Index, the Concept of Ontological Security, etc. are defined as the most appropriate and promising among others. Conflict structuring models based on value approaches in five areas, and different levels of crisis and threat analysis are also considered. The latter is proposed to expand from three to four levels of analysis or targeted “dilution of 4 shelves” of a particular situation, with variable or combined choice of level of consideration and solution. An in-depth understanding of current conflicts and threats should stimulate international dialogue and contribute to a better understanding of international security and the search for solutions to the current conflicts

The geopolitical importance of the Arctic has been growing in recent decades as leading global and regional nations seek to implement new strategic and economic opportunities. This study analyses the content of strategic policy documents that define the principles of foreign policy in the Arctic region of the two main actors in world politics on the Eurasian continent – the European Union and the Russian Federation – who have different strategic visions of the region, as well as the activities of Ukraine in the polar regions. The paper demonstrates that the principles of EU foreign policy in the region are aimed at protecting the rights of citizens of the Arctic EU Member States, balanced development of the region with a clear imperative for environmental protection and research to this end. In turn, Russia's policy in the Arctic has a clear military-strategic priority, especially since 2014, subsequent to the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the occupation of eastern Ukraine. Considering this, further tasks of Ukraine's foreign policy in the Arctic region should be to make full use of Ukraine's integration potential into the European Research Area and to join the European Green Course as an ambitious EU integration project. Furthermore, foreign policy should also include the development, maintenance, and strengthening of all available international legal mechanisms and instruments to counter the Russian Federation's aggression against Ukraine, which is fully in line with Ukraine's recently approved Foreign Policy Strategy

May 21, 2020 marks five years since the so-called "decommunization laws" came into force in Ukraine. Their adoption and implementation was the result of long and complex socio-political and state-building processes. The process of decommunization gained momentum against the background of overloading society and the state with a wide range of political, social and communication problems. The need to solve them was dictated by the adoption of a number of legislative acts of a decommunization nature was due to the need to overcome these problems in Ukraine. The purpose of the scientific article is to determine the nature and benchmarks of decommunization, as well as to outline the complex process of transformation of symbolic space in Ukraine. It is important that in fact the process of decommunization in the public life of Ukraine began not in 2015, but much earlier. The first wave of decommunization formally took place in the 1990s. Decommunization is a system of measures in the sign-symbolic space, which is aimed at destroying the markers of the past, liberation from the influence and consequences of communist ideology not only in public life, but also in all spheres of life of the state and society. The strategic goal of decommunization is the systematic and complete elimination of the Soviet ideological and symbolic heritage not only from the public space, but also from the public consciousness. The main means of decommunization are: condemnation of crimes of the totalitarian regime; lustration; removal / dismantling of symbols (monuments, monuments, etc.) of the past era; change of toponymic landscape; redefining / rethinking "places of memory"; introduction of new memorial practices; reformatting / shifting the semantic accents of museum expositions; creation of a harmonious era and process of literary and artistic canon and narrative, etc. In the spring of 2018, there were reports in the Ukrainian media about the successful completion of decommunization (at least in terms of public space). However, decommunization is an unfinished project in terms of its strategic goal. The decommunization campaign of 2015-2019 turned out to be, first of all, a nationwide public ritual of symbolic purification.