The article addresses the current theoretical elaborations put forth by prominent figures of the new right in Latin America and their strategic diffusion in Baja California. The conducted ethnography has provided insights into the mechanisms employed to redefine and reinforce a right-wing perspective that perceives itself as renewed. Among the findings, it was discovered that despite political and religious discrepancies within the so-called new right-wing groups, they coincide in the reworking of a theoretical corpus that addresses gender ideology, which stems from cultural studies, highlighting the relationship between culture and power. It is noted that there is an updated production of the discourse of the new right that seeks to maintain a worldview contrary to that expressed by feminisms, achieved through the co-optation and manipulation of progressive theorizations to engage audiences and expand their political ranks.

This article aims to analyze how the manifestations and effects caused by the exercise of violence do not disappear when women leave their country of origin but follows them during their transit and stay in the host country. Using a qualitative methodological design, this article analyzes testimonies from in-depth interviews with asylum-seeking women and lawyers who work in civil society organizations (CSOs). The findings highlight that, although asylum seekers left their country of origin fleeing violence, in Mexico they have found an occasionally more violent context where both governmental and organized crime actors intervene, promoting the transnationalization of violence. This implies seeing violence as a cycle that forces the authorities to generate comprehensive protection mechanisms for women in mobility.

This article aims to carry out a semi-systematic review of the academic literature that studies violence in Tamaulipas from 2008 to 2019. It is argued that violence in that state is studied primarily from a broad perspective. However, regardless of the study perspective, there is a close relationship between violence, organized crime, and drug trafficking. Two lines of research little explored in the literature are proposed: the first studies risks associated with the analysis of violence(s) in each context; the second analyzes violence(s) from a gender perspective. The main limitation of this semi-systematic review is that the results presented are descriptive and only classify the literature to find gaps in it.

The objective of this article is to analyze the narratives of four young people from border cities who were deprived of their liberty for having proven their participation in a crime. The narratives are approached from a qualitative perspective to delve into the meanings involved in building identities in a border context. The field work was developed during 2018 and 2019 in the treatment centers for adolescents in San Luis Río Colorado and Nogales, Sonora, as well as in Güémez, Tamaulipas, Mexico. One of the substantive findings was to identify the process of internalization and normalization of a state of permanent precariousness in the actors in the absence of structural strategies that homogenize the youth. The analysis from these dimensions provides empirical elements in the discussion about heterogeneities in youth identities; elements for an epistemological, holistic and situational discussion on the accumulation of situations of vulnerability that certain actors experience in a given geographic space.

Urban empty spaces can be understood as those vacant lands waiting to be built. In legal terms, its regime can vary between public and private. This article analyzes the nature of its geospatial distribution, examining the correlation between this urban phenomenon and the socioeconomic inequality of the population of three border cities in northern Mexico (Mexicali, San Luis Río Colorado, and Nuevo Laredo). A descriptive-comparative methodology was implemented based on statistical techniques and digital and physical surveys of the vacant lands in these cities. The results indicate that poverty levels and the number of empty urban spaces are directly related (positively correlated). In conclusion, a comparative discussion is presented between the three cities is presented. Also, the main differences and coincidences identified are pointed out.

This paper aims to calculate and analyze the human capital returns of micro-enterprises on Mexico’s northern border by examining the education levels of the micro-entrepreneurs in charge of the production unit. Analyzing data from the National Survey of Occupation and Employment from 2010 to 2019, we estimated econometric cross-section models based on Mincer equations. The results suggest that elementary education is not sufficient to achieve high monetary income in micro-enterprises, even its rates are negative, generating losses systematically. The turning point starts in high school, where positive rates are beginning to be observed. However, it highlights that undergraduate and postgraduate education doubles their positive returns, although the number of business owners with this education level is lower.

This article analyzes the nascent process of incorporation of Haitian immigrants of the 2016 wave in Mexico, especially in Tijuana, Mexicali, and Mexico City. We are interested in integration into two key social spaces: the labor market and socio-affective relationships. Through a qualitative methodology, we document the existence of notable differences in labor insertion in the three cities, with a clear “advantage” for those who live in Tijuana and Mexicali. On the other hand, despite the recent settlement of Haitians and their socio-cultural differences with the Mexican society, there are already mixed marriages and families. Although there is still a lot to achieve, there is no doubt that an integration process is underway, but mostly supported by civil society organizations and the ingenuity of Haitian migrants.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the conformation of cross-border interaction spaces articulated by religious affiliation, between a congregation of Zapotec evangelical women in the city of Ensenada, Baja California, Mexico, and religious organizations and evangelical churches from the state of California, United States. The methodological approach is qualitative. Ethnographic data from 2017 and 2018 are analyzed. The originality of this work lies in showing how cross-border spaces can be built by religious affiliation, which transcends ethnic identifications and links different actors, despite the current and difficult socio-political context of the Mexico-United States border.

This article shows another perspective on indigenous migration, which occurs not only for economic and subsistence purposes but as part of the expansion of the development and dissemination of native cultures. Based on the interpretative framework of gender studies in migration, the migratory contexts of 32 Rarámuri women are analyzed, as well as their residential, labor, and multicultural relations, where important achievements are present, but discrimination is also evidenced. According to their trajectories, they faced situations of poverty, discrimination, abuse, and inequality in the three aspects analyzed. Nonetheless, they also experienced changes related to their socio-economic and personal well-being because of their incorporation into formal artisan activities, which has allowed them to contribute to the strengthening and diffusion of their culture, value their knowledge and generate income.

The main purpose of this article is to analyze the conspiracy theories that emerged to explain migrant caravans en route to the U.S. in October 2018. Through the doctrinal and documentary review of the main approaches to such theories, a political theological definition of conspiracy theory is proposed. Subsequently, the main newspaper sources that include conspiracy explanations about the caravan phenomenon are examined, comparing them with the characteristics studied, and the proposed definition. It is concluded that some states and non-state actors reacted with a political discourse that had conspiracy theories at its core. It was their way of making sense and exploiting in the media, a novel way of migrating because of its swarming features.