Abstract Lucy Parsons was one of the most famous radical orators of the United States, but little has been written about her visit to Britain. This article investigates Parsons's lecture tour of Britain in the winter of 1888, based on an invitation from the Socialist League to address meetings to commemorate the Haymarket Affair and tour the country to speak more broadly about the labour movement and working conditions in America. It considers the political lecture tour as a tool to conduct revolutionary activism at a crucial time in the development of the British socialist movement, while also understanding Parsons as a transnational anarchist activist and speaker in her own right. A widowed Black working‐class woman activist of few means who navigated stages and territories which did not tend to welcome women of any colour, Parsons employed different rhetorical strategies to get her revolutionary message to as wide an audience as possible. Notwithstanding her pioneering role in crossing the Atlantic to deliver revolutionary propaganda to British audiences, in the political history of Black America Parsons remained a complicated and sometimes divisive figure for prioritizing issues of class over race. Nonetheless, over more than six decades on the political stage, Parsons was an extraordinary figure who articulated counter‐hegemonic notions of internationalism.

Henry Reece's book covers the period from the death of Oliver Cromwell, the Lord Protector of the British Isles, in September 1658 until just before the restoration of the Stuart monarchies in May 1660.It offers a combination of analytical claims about the potential stability of the successive regimes (whether Protectoral, Parliamentary or military) at this time and a narrative covering the conflicts between army officers, civilian politicians and the godly that led to the downfall of these short-lived forms of government.Eventually, a return to royal rule in the interests of stability became necessary.The case is accordingly made by Reece that the challenges confronting Oliver Cromwell's successors could have been managed.His son, Richard, inherited his office peacefully with the apparent acquiescence of the population.Had he and his civilian advisers been more sensitive to the concerns of the army, his rule might have survived beyond April 1659.But the return of the Rump Parliament to power tempted embittered Republican politicians ousted in 1653 to try to bring the army under firm civilian control.Purging its officers and failing to offer full indemnity to the soldiery for past actions led to the Rump's second expulsion in October 1659 and the creation of a militarily-led Committee of Safety.That Committee was itself overthrown by the seizure of Portsmouth by ousted Rumpers and a naval revolt.The Rump returned to power.By then, late in 1659, George Monck, the commander of the forces in Scotland, had decided to intervene by leading his men south to London.Step by step, even if unclearly at times, the revived Rump was dissolved, a free Convention Parliament was called and overtures to Charles II on the continent for his return were made.The 'good old cause' had collapsed under the weight of its own divisions.This account is particularly illuminating on the personal failings of the leading individuals involved in these processes.Richard Cromwell might have been capable of ruling over nations with established regimes and a stable political culture, but he lacked his father's decisiveness, was prone to inertia and was ill-advised at critical times.Lieutenant-General Charles Fleetwood, Oliver's son-in-law, was temperamentally ill-equipped to deal with conflicts and often ignorant on the details of what was going on.John Lambert's military and political skills had atrophied but, like John Disborowe (another military man), was at serious odds with civilian politicians like Sir Arthur Hesilrige and his Republican allies.Hesilrige and his supporters reciprocated their animosity but had disastrous failings as political strategists.Monck, on the other hand, was a more enigmatic figure, a religious conservative, loyal to his army comrades and prepared, in the last resort, to prefer order to chaos and monarchy to a broken republic.He was ultimately the key figure in facilitating the Restoration.The book is undoubtedly enjoyable to read.Anyone who can cite the boxer Mike Tyson in support of his arguments clearly has wit.Nonetheless, some reservations may be held.It was not clear then, nor is it now, precisely what the balance of political and religious opinions was in England and Wales, Scotland and Ireland.The preoccupation of post-1649 regimes with detecting and suppressing Royalist plots suggests an enduring concern that they lacked widespread consent to their rule.Oliver Cromwell himself had not succeeded in reconciling his rule with forms of constitutional government, and it is difficult to see why those who came after him should have been able to do so.Traditional royal rule before 1640 and after 1660 had the acquiescence, sometimes the deferential acceptance, of the bulk of the populations of these islands.Republican government, by way of contrast, enjoyed less widespread acceptance.A

125 (UK), 180 (Europe), 180 (non-Euro Zone), US$203 (The Americas), US$203 (Rest of World).Prices are exclusive of tax.Asia-Pacifi

Abstract This research note shines new light on previously misinterpreted and incorrectly catalogued key information about the role‐holder of the Lieutenant‐Governor of Brill in 1612. It identifies that a source for this information previously attributed to Sir John Peyton (1579–1635) was actually written by Sir Henry Peyton (c.1580–1623) and discusses the significance and impact of the newly discovered identification. It reveals Henry Peyton to be a prolific letter writer and collector of military maps and shows how he shared his research with Sir Robert Cotton. It also identifies that further research is needed into the military career of Henry Peyton and the significant role he played in early modern military history, with particular attention to be given to his martial reports from Venice and the Low Countries.

Abstract It is well known that the quest for spices fuelled navigational endeavours during early modern history, acting as a gateway to conquest. Historians from the field have often focused on the relations between the colonies and the colonised, but what role did this play in the forging of intercolonial connections? By delving into the allure of one spice, the current article argues that, more than merely a source of profit, a ceremonial means or an item of consumption, the quest for cinnamon revealed the pursuit of botanical knowledge, which reflected the use of alternative commercial routes. Rivalry between the colonisers prompted significant intercolonial connections rather than merely between them and the colonised, while prompting transimperial relations when these belonged to different empires. These connections resulted in nuanced practical outcomes that conveyed the intellectual stances and political hierarchy inherent in imperial networks.

The peer review history for this article is available at https://publons.com/publon/10.1111/1468-229X.13419