Abstract The article focuses on the factors that explain the emergence and accomplishments of the ‘FairTube’ campaign, which was initiated in 2019 by the YouTubers Union and the German metalworkers' union IG Metall, and was later established as a formalised German association (“Verein”). While the initial focus of the campaign was on changing the monetisation rules, which YouTube had altered very abruptly in 2017, the initiative subsequently focused on improving the working conditions of content creators. Methodologically, we deploy a mixed‐methods design that flanks media discourse network analysis through qualitative content analysis of expert interviews, which helps to identify the interaction between these established and new actors in the governance and interest representation in the digital platform economy. Our findings reveal a ‘hybrid form of governance’ that, by aligning ideologies and combining sources of power, was able to accomplish most of the goals set out by the campaign (avoiding arbitrary platform decisions, increasing transparency and communication, securing creators' income). We conclude that new forms of collective action, i.e. the coalition between “old” and “new” organizations, may mitigate particular negative consequences of the platform economy. The study seeks to contribute to a better understanding of platform work and to the concepts of power, ideas, and interests in industrial relations.

Abstract This study argues that sectoral bargaining offers a flexible alternative to legal regulation in setting terms and conditions of employment, encourages participation and involvement, brings benefits to employers and improves productivity and performance. It also provides a platform for sector and cross‐sector social dialogue leading to improved policymaking and better macroeconomic outcomes. A statutory framework based on Wages Council‐type arrangements and Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service Codes of Practice is recommended for the United Kingdom, with sectors in the ‘foundational economy’ being prioritised. Sector agreements need to be about much more than pay, though, if they are to realise their potential.

Abstract This article uses the work of Willy Brown, John Purcell, Linda Dickens, and Keith Sisson to identify the critique of management within pluralist industrial relations. The notion of the ‘fallible manager’ captures the essence of this critique. Within the pluralist tradition, fallible managers are identified as the source of industrial relations problems and are also deemed incapable of reversing the harms they cause in the absence of supportive state intervention. While managers are deemed fallible in the pluralist tradition, however, management typically is not regarded as illegitimate and in a reformed institutional context is capable of managing for the common good, to generate ‘shared value.’

Abstract Although the scholarly debate on industrial relations (IR) transformation is inclined toward the conclusion that the IR transformation is bound to take place with changes in the surrounding business environment, we observe a few exceptions in each economy. The current study investigates one of such curious IR contexts, that is, the Indian coal sector. We rely on the ‘logic of the action’ framework and the IR transformation measures to assess the sector at an aggregate and micro level. The coal sector in India consists of a mix of both permanent and informal workforce. With respect to the permanent workforce, we analysed the collective bargaining agreements spanned over five decades (1975–2021). For the informal workforce, we analysed the recommendations of the HPC on wages and working conditions, the provisions of relevant legislation, internal circulars of coal companies and important judicial pronouncements. Our analyses revealed vast differences in wages and working conditions between the permanent and informal workforce. Despite a significant decline in the permanent workforce, they could negotiate better terms as the growing size of the informal workforce was yet to form a collective bargaining mechanism for better wages and working conditions. These results are indicative of a paradox which needs to be explored further. Our study advances the thesis of adaptive state capitalism in the coal sector through functional and numerical flexibility despite a politicised multi‐union model in India.

Abstract Despite widely‐reported ethnicity disparities in pay and occupational attainment, little is known about how different ethnic groups fare in job control—a crucial component of job quality with significant implications for well‐being and health. Drawing on two large‐scale representative datasets in the United Kingdom (1992–2022), we find that workers from all Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) groups conditionally report significantly lower job control than their White British counterparts, although heterogeneity exists depending on the BAME group in question. Ethnicity penalties are also most pronounced for foreign‐born workers. Despite a slow trend towards convergence, ethnicity disparities have remained significant over the last three decades. We further show that disparities are largely unexplained by compositional factors such as pay and occupation, demonstrating ethnicity penalties in job control. By linking ethnicity to job control, this study contributes to the growing research on BAME workers in the labour market, as well as the literatures on job quality and multisegmented labour markets.

Abstract Since the early 1990s public dispute resolution in Ireland has undergone significant reform. The paper examines external and internal pressures for the reform of conflict resolution in Ireland and reveals the key roles played by senior public servants and conflict management professionals in a system where politics and political divisions had little effect on the reform process.

Abstract Identifying the next generation of leaders is fundamental for union renewal. Taking a sequential mixed methods approach using interview (n = 25) and survey (n = 4765) data, our study seeks to identify roadblocks members may face on the path to union leadership. Specifically, we explore the impact of union efficacy, perceived role ambiguity and perceived work role overload on union members' intentions to pursue a leadership role. We found perceptions of union efficacy positively influenced leadership intentions, while perceived work role ambiguity and overload had a negative impact. Generational cohort (Boomer, Gen X, Millennial) moderated the relationship between perceived work role overload and leadership intentions, but not the other relationships in the model. Findings from this study help unions develop strategies to motivate members to take on leadership roles.

Abstract The United States labour movement faces a potentially transformative moment, as workers have won breakthrough union organizing victories at various high‐profile, private‐sector employers. While winning an election is essential to establishing collective bargaining, unions then need to secure a first contract with employers to make tangible improvements in working conditions. Drawing on a sample of 126 responses about postcertification collective bargaining, we find that both employer and union tactics have significant impacts on first contract achievement. Employers continue to impede first contract achievement by committing unfair labour practices, but unions can improve their chances of establishing an agreement by utilizing tactics that engage the public.

Abstract A union default would automatically enrol workers in a union with bargaining coverage over their work. Though there would be a right to opt‐out, it would facilitate recruitment and retention of members, especially in sectors with small employers and high staff turnover. Research indicates it would receive majority support and, where available, induce most workers to membership of unions. This study looks at whether two potential features of a union default would influence the intention to remain a union member if defaulted or support for a union default. The first is a mandatory 30‐day waiting period until opt‐out is permitted. The second is a standardised, online process to facilitate opting out.