ABSTRACT Parliamentary committees have been found to advance women’s rights. It is not known if this claim can be made in relation to the Irish parliament. This study asks to what extent has the women’s rights committee of the Irish parliament effectively addressed a gender equality agenda over time. It attends to the question by systematically examining the work of the Joint Committee on Women’s Rights (JCWR) and its successors to substantively represent women along three dimensions – rules (mandate and function), scope (range of issues adopted and their impact on legislative change), and advocacy by critical actors (individual leadership on gender equality). It contends that these three aspects interacted in different ways over the course of four decades to create an institutional context in which the committee had varying opportunities for women’s substantive representation. It concludes that the JCWR and its successors have been an important site of women’s substantive representation in the Irish parliament. However, it also reveals a weak commitment to women’s rights in the parliamentary system which makes the hold of women’s equality on the parliamentary agenda a contingent one.

ABSTRACT The 2024 Irish General Election, held on 29 November, was the final act of a tumultuous political year. After two referendums, the resignation of Leo Varadkar from office, and local and European elections, the stage was set for an early general election. However, when the dust settled and results became known, it appeared that the Irish electorate had chosen stability over change. Fianna Fáil emerged as the largest party, followed by its coalition partner, Fine Gael. Sinn Féin, the main opposition party, received a mixed result and was not in a position to form a new government. The Green Party was virtually wiped out, while Labour and Social Democrats almost doubled their seat count. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were able to form a new government with some Independents. Thus, it appears that Ireland has accepted the political realignment in which Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael govern in coalition, Sinn Féin is the main opposition, and the party system continues to fragment.

ABSTRACT Sarcastic remarks and hilarious gestures were evident throughout the Northern Ireland peace process. However, was there anything behind this? Why were these humourous remarks being made? What role did humour have in communicating throughout the Northern Ireland peace process? This article argues that humour played a role in the Northern Ireland peace process in four primary ways, in (i) initiating contacts and meetings, (ii) developing relationships and confidence building, (iii) demonstrating solidarity and defusing situations, and (iv) expressing frustrations and objections. Furthermore, in the post-conflict context humour has been utilised when reflecting on the Northern Ireland peace process.

ABSTRACT In 2019, abortion was decriminalised in Northern Ireland (NI) after decades of campaigning against the almost-total ban. Abortion activists in NI used multiple tools for change, utilising a feminist law-making strategy that also encompassed ‘cheeky’ witnessing [Fletcher, R. (2020). Cheeky witnessing. Feminist Review, 124(1), 124–141. https://doi.org/10.1177/0141778919896342] and movement-building alongside mutual-aid approaches to care. This paper outlines the significant contribution of alternative creative modes of dialogue from the insider perspective of core Alliance for Choice activists. The key element of the campaign towards decriminalisation in NI, was inspired and influenced by the global networks of abortion campaigns also utilising digital networks to challenge problematic abortion discourse with an abundance of creative content. It also required daily visual online output that complimented and coalesced the wider campaign, in a digital space that [Butler, J. (2018). Notes toward a performative theory of assembly. Harvard University Press] contends is a version of the public street. This paper offers a unique insight into the creative production and careful navigation required for campaigning towards decriminalisation in the NI. It examines the complexity of the digital space and its challenges and opportunities for abortion activists. It offers lessons for other campaigns against abortion restrictions and other social justice movements.