zalma, Osmanl Devleti'nin 19.yzyln sonlarnda tara ynetimi balamnda, Ankara kentinin idari, sosyoekonomik ve demog-

Forced migration not only entails the search for a new place of residence but also compels migrants to produce spaces in which they reconstruct their identities, cultural belongings, and social networks.In this regard, space emerges as a decisive dimension in migrants' participation in urban life and in processes of social cohesion, playing a critical role in the reconstruction of identity and belonging (Lefebvre, 1991; Massey, 2005).This study examines the practices of spatial production and appropriation among Syrians residing in Altnda, Ankara, and analyzes how these practices influence social cohesion, spatial encounters, and the dynamics of coexistence with the local population.Particular attention is given to the ways in which commercial, cultural, and religious spaces established by Syrians function in reinforcing urban belonging and strengthening solidarity practices.The research adopts an explanatory sequential mixed-methods approach.In the quantitative phase, surveys with 170 Syrian individuals provided measurable data on spatial practices, feelings of belonging, and levels of social cohesion.In the qualitative phase, 50 semi-structured interviews, non-participant observations, and document analysis of municipal reports and strategic plans were conducted.This methodological design enabled a multilayered evaluation of both Syrians' everyday spatial experiences and local actors' perceptions of cohesion.Findings reveal that Syrians anchor themselves in the city through everyday spatial practices, make their identities visible, and develop strong forms of cohesion and belonging at the neighborhood scale.However, increasing social tensions, security concerns, exclusionary discourses, and urban renewal projects complicate and undermine their spatial integration.The study demonstrates that urban spaces serve not merely as sites of shelter but as critical arenas where identity expression, belonging, and social cohesion are continuously redefined.Ultimately , the research argues that dignified, just, and sustainable coexistence requires the recognition of Syrians as urban actors and the support of the spaces they produce.Developing inclusive, participatory, and rights-based urban policies is thus essential for ensuring spatial justice and fostering peaceful shared living for both Syrians and the local communities..

zalma, Ankara ankaya'da bulunan etnik restoranlarn kullanclar olan gmenler ve kendileri de gmen olan etnik restoran iletmecileri ile yaplan yar yaplandrlm grmelere dayanarak ulustesi bir alan olarak etnik restoranlar ve burada sunulan yemeklerin gmenler iin anlamn aratrmay amalamtr.alma sonucunda ulalan bulgular, gmenlerin Ankara'daki yeni yaamlarna adapte olular ve buradaki kalclklarn srdrme abalarnda yemein ve etnik yemek sunan restoranlarn anlamnn ve rolnn eitli vehelerine iaret etmitir

The aim of this study is to determine areas of policy priority by consideration of the demographic structure of the Roma living in the Kale Neighborhood, one of the oldest neighborhoods of Ankara.The economic and social characteristics of the area are also discussed.The data used in the study comes from the pre-test and pilot studies conducted in the Kale Neighborhood as part of Project No. 122R016: "Demographic Integration and Differentials of the Roma Population and Policy Priorities in Turkey", which was made possible by financial support from the TUBITAK 1001 Program.The results of the study show that the average household size in the Kale neighborhood is currently 4.6, and while 51% of households live as a nuclear family, 29% of families are broken in some way.In a neighborhood where 47% percent of population is under the age of 18, it is observed that the proportion of children who attend school decreases rapidly with age, and the general level of education is quite poor.In addition, in a neighborhood where child labor and child marriages are widespread, the average age of first-time marriage is 17 for women and 21 for men.There are an average of 4.2 children per woman in the neighborhood.These findings show that the Kale neighborhood is not typical of modern Turkey in terms of demographics, although it is comparable with the demographic structure of 1980s Turkey.It is seen that the failure of the neighborhood to keep up with the country can be associated with the widespread poverty of the district, as well as the discrimination that Roma people in the neighborhood face in almost every aspect of life.

The Americans who came to Turkey, particularly during the 1950, as part of efforts to develop Turkish-American relations during the Cold War period, led to an increase in mutual cultural exchange and understanding between the two countries. One of these Americans was Elizabeth McNeill Leicester, who wrote a book entitled ‘Memories of 1950 in Ankara, Turkey' during the time she spent in Ankara on an official mission during this period when the cultural influence of America was felt most keenly. Another example of written memoirs is ‘Assignment in Ankara', which was written by Lucile Saunders McDonald and Zola Helen Ross. These books, which represent the written observations of the two women, contain profound insights into the social and cultural life of Ankara in the 1950s, and thus represent important first-hand historical sources. This study uses the books of Elizabeth McNeill Leicester and Lucile Saunders McDonald to help reveal the socio-cultural structure of Ankara in the 1950s while analyzing the authors' perspectives on Turkish women in Ankara and discussing the activities of Americans in Turkey. The insights provided in the books demonstrate that traditional structures were strongly maintained in Ankara, especially for women, despite the modernization of the 1950s.

Henna night is a ritual related to marriage. In addition to being entertaining for the women who participate at the bride house before the wedding, it also has a sacred dimension in Turkish culture as it contains many mythological practices. Henna nights are organized before the wedding by the families and relatives of the bride and groom. While the traditions involved with henna nights have undergone numerous changes in terms of their content and function, the collective structure of the ceremony has been retained. One of the questions considered in this study of Hamamönü henna halls and henna night organizations is whether the organizations which were founded on the basis of the promise of “living, living the traditional henna night,” actually contribute to the preservation of the traditions of the henna ritual. In addition, the study establishes a general framework of the traditions of the henna ritual which provides a comparison of the practices of the henna nights held in henna halls with long-established traditions of henna rituals. The framework looks at the factors that have affected and shaped the developments of these traditional practices. It is concluded from the interviews and observations of henna organizations that the ceremonies held in the halls have changed many elements of the traditional henna night in order to emphasise spectacle and entertainment. This has meant that the henna nights performed in the halls have often moved away from the context of the ritual, and the many aspects of the original ceremony that are attributed to holiness and social aspects have been transformed functionally. Furthermore, many elements of the traditional henna ritual have been decontextualized due to the effects of the media, popular culture and commercial concerns of the businessmen, with new ones practices that are not in the original version being added.

The axis and allied powers, mainly Germany and Britain, used propaganda in Turkey throughout Second World War in an attempt to persuade Turkey to become an ally. Britain was at the forefront of this movement and held films, conferences, language courses etc at the British Council, which was established in 1934, to promote English language, cultural accumulation, art and architecture. The council, the first office of which was opened in Ankara in 1940, succeeded in strengthening the diplomatic relationships between the two countries by extensively raising public opinion across the country through its activities. Exhibitions, which are a highly effective method of communication for large groups, were organized in the capital Ankara by the British Council during and after Second World War as a vehicle of cultural propaganda to exhibit art and graphics, architecture, educational institutions, books, urbanism, furniture and photography. The pro-British exhibitions provided the opportunity to establish close relations with Turkish Government officials; and so can be seen to have served Britain’s propaganda efforts to secure Turkey as an ally, both during and after the war. Although Britain actually failed to persuade Turkey to become a war ally, these exhibitions carried out by the British Council did succeeded in introducing the English language, culture and lifestyle to the country, and thus creating positive Turkish-British relations even after the war. While the British Council continues to conduct such activities, the exhibitions held by the British Council, which are the subject of the study, are limited to those of the 1940s. The study uses archive documents, news in periodical publications and information obtained from exhibition catalogues to address questions such as the dates of the exhibitions, the areas and works exhibited, the views of the Turkish government, the public, and the press of these exhibitions, as well as the relevance of the exhibitions in their period and how they compared to similar activities by other countries. The study, which is entitled “The Cultural Propaganda Exhibitions of the British Council in Ankara in the 1940’s” and focuses on the exhibition activities organized by the British Council in Ankara during the 10-year period between 1940-1950, concludes that reasons such as the propaganda that occured during World War II, the changing global political balances after the war, and the increasing importance of alliances, all lead the delegation to conduct an intense program of activities in Turkey during those years.

Place names are expressions of societies and cultures, and so also have an effect on cultural and geographical image. Cultural choices are made during the naming process in which the named place becomes identified with the corresponding culture. In other words, naming a place is actually a form of categorization. Once the name is given, the name itself, along with the physical nature of the place, its architecture, and the activities that take place there, gains a distinct cultural identity. It can therefore be said that it is possible, through the naming of a place, to either construct or repress identity. As the names of places are in common use, this form of cultural designation, when compared with other elements of cultural geography, can be seen to have an important role in the reconstruction of culture. It is thus not surprising that the removal or the replacement of unwanted parts of urban memory usually occurs through the naming or renaming of a place, and such a process can either cause an existing historical reality be forgotten, or a new one created. In the literature, the process of the naming of public spaces, such as streets, boulevards, neighborhoods, parks, schools, cultural centers and squares, is referred to as “urban toponymy,” Unlike the majority of the studies in the literature, this study focuses on the naming preferences of local government cultural centers, and utilizes Louis Althusser’s ideological state apparatuses concept to investigate how influential naming is in the construction of cultural identity. The study analyzes the names of cultural centers in the central districts of Ankara, and the relationship between name preferences and political ideologies. In the latter part of the study, the relationship between the names of cultural centers and the reproduction of the ideologies of local governments is considered.

The aim of this study is to write a comprehensive urban environmental history of Ankara in the 19 th century within the contexts of the diverse contingent challenges, connectivity of challenges and spaces, and the expansion of the city. The diverse urban environmental challenges faced by Ankara were the influential and determinant factors in the processes of ensuring spatial and conceptual connectivity and the city's expansion. The concept of "connectivity" is reproduced for both challenges and spaces. A nested, wrapped, and intertwined conceptual connectivity is established among diverse urban environmental challenges such as defense, changing circumstances, wars, immigration, fatalities, drought, famine, and external dynamics. The spatiality in the city and a complex connectivity among spaces could also be established through the situations that arise from such challenges, which have also led to the current and further expansion of the city. Spatial formations of spaces, including military barracks, planned and organic neighborhoods, graveyards, linear extensions such as roads and the railway at the periphery of the city, as well as immigrant settlements in the hinterlands, provided a spatial integrity and spatial transition between the city and its hinterlands. The contribution of this study to the literature is not only to explore the urban environmental history of Ankara, but also to reveal the city's connectivity and expansion through the building, conceptualizing, and deciphering of diverse challenges, spatiality of sites, and the connectivity of spaces and challenges.

alanlar, doallk, bilimsellik, sosyal, kltrel ve ekonomik deerleriyle korunmas gereken hassas ekosistemler