This article explores how the humanities were imagined by UNESCO to contribute to their quest for improved international relations and worldwide peace. It analyses the negotiations on what role the humanities could play in diplomatic work by looking at the process that led to the founding of the International Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies (ICPHS/CIPSH) in 1949. Despite being ingrained in UNESCO's mission statement, the diplomatic role of the humanities remained unarticulated and ambiguous during the organizations’ first formative years. The article argues that although the term was not in use at the time, what was in fact at stake during these negotiations was whether linguistics, classical studies, history, anthropology and philosophy could be seen as a form of – and be employed as – science diplomacy. Despite a global contemporary focus as well as a surge in historical studies, the humanities have largely been excluded from both political and scholarly efforts on science diplomacy. By introducing a framework for humanities diplomacy and by proposing a preliminary set of questions for its historical study, the article urges a renewed focus on the diplomatic role played by the humanities in the past, addressing what role they could play in the future.

Oswald Menghin and Armin Dadieu had two things in common: both were academics and Austrian National Socialists who served as political functionaries after the Anschluss in 1938. At the end of the Second World War, they fled Allied justice and thus became ‘Nazis on the run’. This article argues that from this point onwards, we must understand Dadieu and Menghin as agents in the history of flight. We must regard their illegal escapes via Italy and their new beginnings in Argentina in 1948 as part of the great (forced) migration movement and thus as part of research on the history of postwar displacement. Even after their transformation from functionaries to fugitives, both remained part of the (former) Nazi elite. Their postwar biographies lie at the intersection of research on the perpetrators of the Holocaust and scientific migration, and they established loyal, multilayered support networks. After the unconditional surrender of the German Wehrmacht, their wives and lovers, friends and former political associates helped them to reestablish their social lives on the run; the Catholic Church enabled their migration; and Juan Perón's modernization project in Argentina helped them to establish their careers. The local and global assistance that they received from these networks ultimately made both Nazi scholars privileged migrants.

Na temelju višegodišnjega istraživanja hrvatske povijesti u razdoblju kasnoga socijalizma u članku iznosim neka promišljanja o problematici Hrvatske u drugoj Jugoslaviji i (ne)uspješnosti komunističke modernizacije. Težište istraživanja bilo je na povijesti Saveza komunista Hrvatske, njegovoj organizaciji, metodi rada i odnosu s drugim društveno-političkim zajednicama i društveno-političkim organizacijama. U kontekstu čestih tvrdnji, pa i nekih povjesničara, o velikome modernizacijskom zahvatu smatram da su drugu Jugoslaviju komunisti sazdali na prevari, teroru i laži. To su bila tri stvarna temelja komunističke vlasti, koja su na kraju i bila razlog da se njihov modernizacijski projekt okonča u krvavom ratu nakon gotovo pola stoljeća postojanja druge Jugoslavije.

Ovaj rad istražuje potencijal primjene velikih skupova podataka (Big Data) u povijesnoj analizi i nastavi, s posebnim naglaskom na analitičku funkcionalnost digitalnoga alata Google Ngram Viewer (GNV). Interdisciplinarnim/transdisciplinarnim pristupom rad demonstrira kako se GNV može koristiti za analizu, kontekstualizaciju i komparaciju međudržavnih odnosa Hrvatske i Austrije te kako njegova primjena može didaktički obogatiti nastavu povijesti. Ujedno rad nizom konkretnih primjera i metodoloških smjernica funkcionira kao priručnik za korištenje GNV-a i u istraživanju drugih polja humanističkih znanosti.Analitički fokus usmjeren je na odabrane ključne povijesne događaje i ličnosti hrvatske povijesti od XVI. do XX. stoljeća, s obradom unutar njemačkoga jezičnoga korpusa. Središnje istraživačko pitanje jest može li se GNV, preko analize njemačkoga korpusa, koristiti kao pouzdan alat za kvantitativnu interpretaciju povijesnih i društvenih trendova relevantnih za hrvatski kontekst. Ciljevi rada uključuju kritičku analizu metodoloških prednosti i ograničenja GNV-a (napose u obrazovnom kontekstu) te usporedbu dobivenih kvantitativnih rezultata sa spoznajama historiografije u svrhu procjene njihove interpretativne valjanosti.Osim političke povijesti, istraživanje ukazuje na širok spektar primjene GNV-a u analizama povezanim s književnošću, umjetnošću, jezikom i gospodarstvom. Time se afirmira šire shvaćanje digitalne humanistike, koje nadilazi konvencionalne okvire prisutne u hrvatskoj akademskoj zajednici. Zaključno se upozorava na nedostatke i ističe potreba za daljnjim istraživanjima.

In November 1946, after repatriating to Poland and reuniting with his parents, Władysław B., made the perilous journey back to US-occupied Germany; claiming his parents were dead, he sought emigration for a better future. Displaced persons (DPs) returning to centres was not uncommon; many wanted to change their futures by re-entering the camps and vied for a chance to resettle abroad. Employing Gatrell's concept of ‘refugeedom’ to understand the mechanisms which drove refugee agency in the postwar world, this work focuses on cases of Polish DP children who, often voiceless in official records, chose to direct their own future. It then uses Bandura's social cognitive theory framework, which distinguishes three modes of agency (personal, proxy, and collective) to differentiate between various groups and individuals’ abilities to take charge of their own displacement. The very act of migration – of ‘voting with their feet’ – helps us to understand how children attempted to take charge of their displacement. Using individual case files and welfare worker testimony, this work contextualizes the phenomenon of return migration to Allied-occupied Germany from Poland using the voices ‘in the middle’ to navigate children's agency while emphasizing the DPs’ refutation of Allied-imposed categorizations to strive for a better future.

The article, ‘A Facade for Inaction’, explores the production of inaction by governmental actors during the 1943 Bermuda Conference. It focuses on how the Allied governments used the war effort as a pretext for not assisting Jewish refugees. By employing the theory of political inaction by Allan McConnell and Paul t’Hart, the study argues that inaction was produced to decrease pressure within British and American societies for intervention on behalf of persecuted Jews in Europe. This approach allows a more nuanced understanding of the complex negotiation processes regarding the rescue of Jewish refugees during the Second World War and its immediate aftermath.

Kao građani Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca / Kraljevine Jugoslavije, stanovnici hrvatskih zemalja služili su od 1918. do 1941. u jugoslavenskoj vojsci kao ročni i profesionalni vojnici, dočasnici i časnici. U sklopu mirnodopske službe tijekom toga razdoblja to je značilo i njihovo sudjelovanje u vojnim manevrima jugoslavenske vojske. Predmet interesa ovoga članka su Kupski manevri, za koje možemo tvrditi da su bili najvažniji mirnodopski događaj u vojsci prve Jugoslavije u međuraću (1918. – 1939.). Manevri su se održali 1937. na pograničnom području tadašnje Dravske i Savske banovine, pa time i na hrvatskom tlu. Njihovu važnost za Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju i njezinu vojsku potvrđuje dotad najveći broj mobiliziranih vojnika i drugih vojnih resursa u jugoslavenskim vojnim manevrima te opseg ambicija i priprema državnih, lokalnih i vojnih vlasti za te manevre. Osim što su se dijelom održali i na hrvatskom tlu, njihova važnost za hrvatske zemlje proizlazi iz činjenice da je u njima znatan doprinos dalo stanovništvo Savske banovine u vidu s njezina teritorija mobiliziranih vojnika, stoke i prijevoznih sredstava. Na taj su se način 1937. ti manevri svojim opsegom priprema i provođenja odrazili i na tadašnje društveno, ekonomsko i političko stanje u hrvatskim zemljama obuhvaćenim Savskom banovinom. Ovim člankom žele se opisati ti odrazi Kupskih manevara, ali i vojni, državni, lokalni te unutarnji i inozemni kontekst i značenje tih manevara za Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju i hrvatske zemlje obuhvaćene Savskom banovinom.

This article demonstrates that, notwithstanding Ireland's 1949 Commonwealth secession, it (re)established an informal external association with this grouping's principal concrete concerns, which remained quite extensive, that lasted throughout the 1950s. By law or practice, 1950s Ireland lifted alien restrictions on most Commonwealth citizens and its citizens received preferential treatment in most Commonwealth countries. It participated in the Commonwealth tariff ‘system' by both giving and receiving preferences based on ‘Commonwealth' status and by maintaining long-standing trade agreements with the UK, Canada and South Africa. As with all the Commonwealth bar Canada, it remained within the Sterling Area which greatly bolstered economic links. Ireland also participated in several lower-level Commonwealth fora and its ‘special position' was said to strikingly illustrate the Commonwealth's capacity to adjust. However, it took no part in high-level political consultation and, even in functional areas (with the singular exception of agricultural research), lacked privileges to exercise leadership or even clear rights. These limitations bolstered interest in rejoining especially in the late 1950s. However, allied to a background a recognition that the Commonwealth was becoming less central to concrete links including in the crucial UK context, this was rendered politically impossible by the unresolved issue of Partition.