Abstract A substantial body of research has demonstrated that, in French as in other gender-marked languages, masculine generic terms tend to induce a male bias in the readers’ mental representations of the person referred to. The current study investigates whether this bias extends to hybrid nouns, a particular class of nouns with a fixed grammatical gender that can refer to either a man or a woman (e.g. “une personne”, ‘a FEM person FEM ’, or “un individu”, ‘an MASC individual MASC ’). We used a sentence evaluation paradigm where participants had to judge the acceptability of a sentence describing a character of a specific gender, either male or female, following a context sentence containing a hybrid noun. The results revealed that masculine hybrid nouns yielded faster processing of male continuation sentences, with response times 130 ms shorter than for female continuations on average. In contrast, no such difference was observed for feminine hybrid nouns. These results point to an asymmetry in the processing of grammatical gender: while feminine hybrid forms do not influence gender representation, masculine hybrid forms tend to elicit a male bias.

Abstract This article focuses on French espèce de + NP! ‘you + NP!’ to make a case that impoliteness can be conventionalized in linguistic form beyond the level of the lexicon. We argue that the pattern can be considered a construction in its own right and also that it is strongly conventionalized for impoliteness in particular. To support this claim, we adopt both a corpus-based and a questionnaire-based approach. The corpus study reveals not only that espèce de + NP! mainly serves impolite purposes in actual usage but also that it tends to force an impolite interpretation onto noun phrases that do not themselves express negative evaluation. Our questionnaire study complements these findings by showing, inter alia, that the construction is generally judged to be ill-formed when combining with positively evaluative or evaluatively neutral nouns and, at the same time, that such nouns are indeed rated as impolite in the construction. It also points to a difference between calling someone espèce d’idiot! ‘you idiot!’ and calling them just idiot! . We conclude the article with some reflections on why espèce de + NP! is an impoliteness construction.

Abstract This study investigates the reading of novel morpho-syntactic forms, specifically gender-inclusive writing in French. Inclusive writing aims to address the generic use of the masculine form, which often encourages male mental representations over female or non-binary ones. The study focuses on contracted forms using the mid-dot, such as étudiant·e·s , which have become widespread in French despite ongoing public debate. Four experiments using eye-tracking and self-paced reading methods compared reading times for inclusive, masculine, and feminine forms. Experiment 1 found no robust difference in reading times between inclusive forms ending in “·e” and their feminine counterparts, suggesting familiarity with this form. Experiment 2 showed that inclusive forms ending in “·ne”, such as comédien·ne·s , were read more slowly than their feminine counterparts, possibly due to phonological effects. Experiment 3 tested highly pronounceable inclusive forms like auteur·rice·s , which were read more slowly initially, but this effect was short-lasting. Experiment 4 compared more or less pronounceable forms, such as chanteur·euse·s and chanteur·se·s , respectively, confirming that the degree of pronounceability affects reading times. Overall, the study concluded that the reading time for contracted inclusive forms depends on familiarity and the degree of pronounceability.

Abstract This article focuses on the problem of the categorization of the adverb sans doute as an epistemico-modal marker or an evidential marker. Starting from a critical appraisal of an analysis proposed by Bourmayan et Ashino, in which sans doute is considered fundamentally epistemico-modal, three hypotheses are presented, which depart from theirs. First, sans doute has as its main lexical element an inferential evidential value: it signals that the content qualified by the adverb is the result of a defeasible type of inference from clues/premises. Second, due to the defeasibility of the inference, the statement containing the adverb takes on, invariably, a pragmatic value of non-certainty, not lexically coded, however. Sans doute is thus not an epistemico-modal marker by itself in contemporary French. Third, the adverb combines these values with an epistemic value of what we call “posture of certainty”. Different from epistemic modality, which refers to an evaluation in terms of certainty, and/or to the epistemic cognitive state linked to that, posture of certainty refers to what can be called the tone or epistemic behavior of confidence the speaker shows. Sans doute therefore indicates without contradiction, a defeasible and, thus, uncertain hypothesis, presented with a tone of full confidence.

Martin Howard (ed.). Approaches and Methods in French Second Language Acquisition Research. (Research Methods in Applied Linguistics, 9). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2025, 379 pp., ISBN: 9789027244970. - Volume 35

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Abstract The final intonation in French wh-in-situ questions is subject to much debate. Although a wide variety of final pitch movements has been observed, recent studies generally agree on a tendency for final rises. In our study, we analysed the answered wh-in-situ questions (e.g. Tu veux savoir quoi ? – Tout ! ‘What do you want to know? – Everything!’) in a corpus of eleven audio books.For our analysis, we used perceptual classifications by three annotators. Annotations included not only the perception of final intonational movement (‘rise’/‘fall’/‘plateau’), but also string-related (wh-lexeme; ‘wh-word final’/‘wh-word non-final’) and pragmatic (‘information-seeking’/‘non-information-seeking’; ‘hierarchical’/‘non-hierarchical’) features.Our results show that a) even string-identical wh-in-situ questions can be pronounced with rises as well as falls and b) pragmatics affect the final pitch movement. If the speaker is hierarchically superior to the hearer, rises are less likely, and questions that are answered by the same speaker are even associated with a non-rising default. However, our data also suggest that pragmatic functions cannot be directly mapped to pitch movement. Information-seeking questions can be pronounced with all three final intonations and speakers may even choose opposite patterns for the same interrogative in the same context.

Abstract Gender inclusive writing, a term that refers to a wide range of feminist linguistic practices aimed at reducing linguistic androcentrism, has been the topic of heated debates in France. Recent experimental studies have investigated its interpretation and showed that inclusive forms with the point médian (“étudiant·e·s”) and repetition (“étudiants et étudiantes”) feminize participants’ mental representations compared to the generic masculine (“étudiants”). In this article, we bring novel results from three experiments investigating the interpretation of these two inclusive forms in a more detailed context (university brochures). We find that the point médian is subject to “context dilution” effects: its meaning disappears in rich contexts, while repetition consistently changes readers’ mental representations, provided it is used systematically. We argue that our results show the necessity of looking at more ecological contexts in experimental (socio)linguistics for understanding the interpretation and processing of socially important linguistic variants.

International audience

RÉSUMÉLe français est une langue parlée par plusieurs centaines de millions de locuteurs en Europe, en Afrique et en Amérique. Une telle dispersion favorise la variation, mais de grands corpus unifiés permettant de rendre compte de cette variation à l’échelle mondiale restent rares, et dans tous les cas nécessitent des efforts financiers et humains non négligeables, à l’instar du projet de Phonologie du Français Contemporain. Dans cet article, nous présentons une alternative possible : les données participatives. Pour ce faire, nous présentons Lingua Libre, la médiathèque linguistique participative de Wikimédia France, et l’utilisons pour décrire la variation sur une opposition phonémique entre deux voyelles ouvertes, /a/ et /ɑ/, dans de nombreuses variétés de français. Les données de 38 locuteurs provenant de 26 points d’enquête sont traitées automatiquement et comparées aux mesures présentées dans la littérature passée. Les résultats montrent que la plateforme a le potentiel de donner des résultats conformes à ceux des études de terrain professionnelles. L’article conclut sur les avantages et les limites de la plateforme, tout en proposant des pistes d’amélioration.