ABSTRACT Is it morally permissible for states to impose economic sanctions on states that continue to emit greenhouse gases, contributing to climate change? In this paper, I argue that we have reason to believe that imposing such economic sanctions is pro tanto morally permissible. Such economic sanctions can satisfy two moral constraints that are necessary for economic sanctions to be morally permissible: They can satisfy the just cause constraint and the proportionality constraint. Given that economic sanctions can satisfy these two constraints, I argue that they can be pro tanto morally permissible. However, I contend that these economic sanctions must be sensitive to three other considerations. These considerations – our views about causation, our views about what emissions are morally permissible, and our views about climate justice more generally – affect whether economic sanctions are morally permissible in the face of climate change.

ABSTRACT In this article, we introduce a common good approach to development as a necessary and transformative complement to development theory and practice. Going beyond individual assessments, we distinguish a common good approach to development as one that focuses on the processes by which societies organise themselves to produce the goods that we value collectively and that bind a society together. We argue that a common good approach to development is about the quality of the social processes and institutions (i.e. the social dynamics) that promote an ever-increasing human coexistence. We then propose a theoretical framework to operationalise such an approach through a metric of common good dynamics at the local level.

ABSTRACT This article offers a dialogue on burgeoning wealth and income inequalities, plutocratic structures, and superrich philanthropy, particularly in emerging economies like India, and how they intersect with debates about global justice. The dialogue opens on the nature of parochialism in dominant-mainstream theoretical frameworks of global justice, their possible West-centric bias, and the deparochial work in the periphery that seeks to address that. The dialogue advances to consider recent trends in the new capitalist order dominated by the superrich, such as: sharply increasing wealth and income gaps; bulging plutocratic structures; pro-business states and regulatory captures; issues of responsible business conduct; intersections of the ethics and politics of superrich philanthropy, and its potential for addressing various socio-economic deprivations. Thomas Pogge shares theoretical and policy insights for a relevant, plural, and effective global justice debate in present times. The dialogue aims to kindle both scholarly and public debates on the responsibilities of the superrich – modern day plutocrats – towards the people that suffer extreme poverty and lack the wherewithal to influence public policies.

ABSTRACT I begin with identifying Confucian metaphors of leadership for the way the mind (the ‘heart-mind’) should lead the whole person. I then discuss how the Daoist text Zhuāngzǐ criticizes this conception of the mind’s leadership as too fixed and rigid – unresponsive to the fluidity and unpredictability of the world. The text suggests as an alternative a way that the whole embodied person can fluidly respond to the world. This alternative ties into some contemporary work, scientific and philosophical, of how the whole person and not just the deliberating mind processes information from the world. I end by discussing how the critique of the fixed and rigid mind can suggest alternative models of political governance that distribute and integrate guidance throughout the body politic.

ABSTRACT This contribution discusses three important issues that should be addressed by those concerned with global justice. Theorizing should be better informed by a range of important bodies of knowledge, such as scholarly, activist, policy, legal, and practitioner-based. There is also a need for more inclusive normative frameworks for allocating specific responsibilities to particular agents. I explain the need for both by discussing an especially important neglected topic, namely that of corruption, which so badly undermines prospects for global justice.

ABSTRACT This article delves into the ongoing consequences of UK ‘Hostile Environment’ policies, notably the Windrush Scandal and the challenges of techno-solutionism in migration governance. There is an exploration of how borders have permeated the internal boundaries of the UK and pushed private citizens and institutions to become new border agents. In this article there is a reflection on the infrastructure that has become reinforced, made visible and technologically upholds Hostile Environment policies. This article investigates the Home Office’s new case working system, Atlas, to illuminate the intersection of border policies, technology and ethics. Through disentangling the political promises placed into the new case working system, this article argues the technological solutions to unjust policies are doomed to repeat and reinforce historic racialised practices. This article argues that technology projects in development, like Atlas, offer an opportunity to identify new private actors responsible for maintaining internal borders within the UK, private technology consultancy groups. Tracing the privatisation of border technology crystallises the new power dynamics introduced through technological projects developed to translate the goals of the Hostile Environment into operational technology used by the Home Office.

ABSTRACT Community leaders in Colombia have historically suffered processes of microaggressions and intimidation that threaten the free exercise of their voice in the processes of production of knowledge and in the participation of the planning of their territories. In this article, we explore the case study of the Network of Community Researchers (NCR), also known in Spanish as Red de Investigadores Comunitarios, promoted by the University of Antioquia, Colombia. The NCR is a commitment to the co-production of knowledge about human security from below between community researchers and academics. This article analyses the contribution of the NCR to the human security of Medellin and a specific collection of capabilities for epistemic liberation of community researchers: the capability to be recognised as a producer of valid knowledge, to do through communicative openness, to learn from collective knowledge and to transform through collective action. The expansion of these four capabilities evidence processes of resistance and hermeneutic insurrection of some community leaders and activists who participate in the NCR. The analysis shows the contribution of the NCR to facilitate and generate a safe space in which community researchers communicate knowledge and practices and share experiences, risks, struggles, fears and collective dreams of transformation.

ABSTRACT In Billionaires in World Politics Peter Hägel considers how the experience of wealth accumulation shapes billionaires’ political agency. To understand the agentic power billionaires exercise in world politics, he proposes that we should examine (1) personality traits that dispose people to participate in politics and (2) connections between capacity and intentions. In this paper, I argue that Hägel’s account of billionaires’ agency in world politics depends on two assumptions. The first is an implied meaning of world politics and the second is the imagination that billionaires have equal access to social and cultural goods that guarantee meaningful engagement in world politics. I analyze these assumptions to argue that Hägel’s account of billionaire agency fails to take adequate notice of the dialectical relationship between corporate power and billionaire agency. A robust account of the agency of billionaires in world politics, I argue, must take this dialectical relationship as its foundation.