ABSTRACT Environmental identity safety cues (ISCs), such as safe space posters, are used to signal support for marginalized groups. While environmental ISCs increase belonging and reduce identity threat, less is known about how they function alongside higher‐cost ISCs such as prejudice confrontations. Across two experimental studies with Black Americans ( n = 272), and Asian Americans ( n = 279), we examined how environmental ISCs and confrontations jointly shape perceptions of Identity Threat and Ally Sincerity using a 2 (ISC: Present, Absent) × 2 (Confrontation: Present, Absent) between‐subjects design. Results revealed that while ISCs can reduce Identity Threat and increase Ally Sincerity, prejudice confrontations are more consistent and effective. Additionally, there is no evidence for a backlash effect whereby having an ISC without a confrontation is worse than doing nothing. Results suggest US racial minorities value confrontations and environmental ISCs, highlighting the importance of using both high‐ and low‐cost prejudice reduction strategies.

ABSTRACT This article will outline a genealogy of neurodiversity, highlighting the power structures and systems that brought about the neurodiversity movement and their implications. Understanding the neurodiversity paradigm from the politicized perspective of genealogy, it builds on this to conduct an intersectional analysis of the categories of neurodiversity in the present day. It draws attention to their “entangled” relations with other types of identity and political movements. In so doing, this paper proposes the concept of “neuroliberalism.” Finally, it applies this perspective to UK education and healthcare policy, critiquing policies, such as performance‐related pay.

ABSTRACT Civic honesty—the moral standards that define citizens’ commitment to the public good—serves a fundamental role in societal functioning. Prior research has emphasized the role of vertical trust (trust in institutions) and horizontal trust (trust in fellow citizens) in predicting the endorsement of such standards among citizens. However, this research has mainly focused on the political conditions typical of the Global North while neglecting environments where criminal organizations, such as mafias, challenge state sovereignty and its monopoly over governance functions. Using a mixed‐effects multilevel model and an extended Johnson–Neyman method for multiple moderators, we analyzed the role of two crucial contextual factors (i.e., criminal groups’ influence and state resilience) on the relationships between trust and civic honesty across 84 countries ( N = 132,602). Results revealed that vertical trust is positively associated with civic honesty in contexts where the influence of criminal groups is lower and state resilience is higher. However, this relationship reverses when the influence of criminal groups is stronger and state resilience is weaker, suggesting that, in these circumstances, trust in institutions may reflect trust in (and adherence to) a system that is corrupt. In contrast, horizontal trust was negatively associated with civic honesty only in states characterized by lower resilience. Policy implications and future research directions are discussed.

ABSTRACT This paper investigates social psychological mechanisms underlying selective solidarity with refugees in two experimental studies conducted in Germany. We hypothesized, in line with the geopolitics of racialization and masculinization of refugees, and rooted in social–psychological theories, that refugee origin and gender affect expressions of solidarity and that this can be explained through perceived similarity and threat. Study 1 ( N = 969) explored differences in solidarity with Ukrainian and Afghan refugees in an intersection with refugee gender. Study 2 ( N = 1228) extended the design to include Syrian and Eritrean refugees and investigated the effect of perceived proportion of gender within each refugee group. Supporting our hypotheses, in both studies, solidarity was highest when refugees were Ukrainian, which was linked to perceptions of cultural similarity and, in turn, lower threat. Moreover, refugees received more solidarity when they were (expected to be) women, which was primarily explained by lower levels of perceived threat. Findings suggest that similarity (e.g., via superordinate European identity categorizations, which are contextually flexible and geopolitically influenced) may explain higher solidarity with Ukrainian refugees. In contrast, Black, Arab, and Muslim refugee men, shaped by negative stereotypes and narratives about cultural dissimilarity, were viewed as more threatening, exacerbating exclusionary attitudes. We argue that selective solidarity reflects ingroup projection processes, strategic helping motives, and identity‐based preferences that underscore the fragile and conditional nature of current refugee support. The paper concludes by addressing the implications of these findings, emphasizing the need for proactive measures to uncover and counteract neocolonial migration narratives to foster sustainable and equitable support for all refugees.

ABSTRACTConspiracy theories attempt to explain events and circumstances by attributing them to the supposed secret actions of powerful, malevolent groups. Due to their associations with potentially harmful non‐normative behaviors at both the individual and collective levels, researchers have expressed particular concern over conspiracy theories that malign science. To better understand such beliefs, we conducted a national US survey to gauge respondents’ agreement with 11 science‐related conspiracy theories and their political, psychological, and social characteristics. We find that beliefs in specific science‐related conspiracy theories represent two unique factors that are (i) related to non‐normative behaviors including political violence, vaccine refusal, and sharing false information online, and (ii) undergirded by a range of non‐normative personality traits and attitudes. We conclude by discussing the potential role of political leaders in propagating science‐related conspiracy theories and the implications for preventing or reversing science‐related conspiracy theory beliefs.

Abstract This article presents an ethnographic study conducted in French pre‐kindergarten and kindergarten classrooms, investigating how education establishes and reinforces relations of sociocultural dominance. Building on Bourdieu and Passeron's concept of symbolic violence, we seek to uncover the mechanisms through which school socialization encourages the acceptance of the hierarchies it generates. The data suggest that this persuasion relies on set of interrelated processes: Schools organize the unequal profitability of family cultural practices and knowledge, obscure the realities of learning, and foster a meritocratic myth that naturalizes these inequalities. Moreover, children actively participate in their own subordination without realizing it. By documenting these processes, the study provides critical insights into how everyday schooling practices not only perpetuate social inequalities but also shape early on the idea that students form of themselves as both students and individuals and intensify concerns about self‐worth.

Abstract The culture cycle details how cultural ideas, institutional practices, daily interactions, and psychological processes mutually reinforce (and disrupt) social class inequities in U.S. education contexts. Attending to how the intersections of classism, racism, and sexism shape culture cycle processes unearths nuances in social class inequities and their consequences. In this paper, we argue that by taking a critical race perspective to the culture cycle framework, or a critical race culture cycle lens for short, we can more fully interrogate interrelated power structures in educational contexts that dynamically influence each other over time to shape students’ unique psychological realities of marginalization and, importantly, their acts of resistance. To build our argument, we first describe the utility of a culture cycle study of social class inequities. We then illustrate how a critical race culture cycle lens sharpens psychological investigations of these inequities. We offer cultural mismatch theory as an illustrative example for our argument and showcase how such a lens provokes a different set of research questions that attend to power, intersectionality, and resistance. Finally, we discuss how a critical race culture cycle lens offers new opportunities for theory and research in the study of social class inequities more broadly.

Abstract Due to the role that schools play in determining the status of the future occupations of their children (i.e., the selection function of education), high socioeconomic status (SES) parents may not always be supportive of interventions that would reduce the SES achievement gap. In four experiments, we measured the support of parents (Ntotal = 1966) for implementing an equalizing (and, in Experiments 2 and 3, an inequality‐maintaining) intervention. In Experiments 1 and 2, a negative association between subjective SES and support for the equalizing intervention was found when the selection function was made salient, an effect that was also observed in Experiment 4 but only for Right‐leaning participants. In Experiment 3, where the salience of selection was held constant, we found a negative association between subjective SES and support for the equalizing intervention, but not the inequality‐maintaining intervention.

Abstract Inequity in health and well‐being is driven by systemic, political, and structural forces that, along with social factors, influence the allocation, access, and impact of health resources across communities based on religion, gender, caste, sexuality, and ability. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer/questioning, and plus (LGBTIQ+) communities, marginalized for subverting cis‐gender norms, face heightened risks of poor health, well‐being, and limited psycho‐social, medical, and legal support. Understanding the challenges and triumphs of LGBTIQ+ individuals navigating oppressive and discriminatory legal, social, and structural forces can significantly contribute to improving their health and well‐being. Additionally, such insights can inform public policy and legal structures to be more inclusive. This paper offers a commentary on the health and psycho‐social well‐being of LGBTIQ+ individuals, focusing on the systemic transitions in Russia, Turkey, Pakistan, and India. The unique, intersectional identities of queer individuals make them particularly vulnerable to stigma and discrimination. While Pakistan has laws to protect transgender rights and India has decriminalized same‐sex behavior, LGBTIQ+ individuals in these countries still face discrimination in housing, careers, and healthcare, similar to the experiences in Turkey and Russia, where no legal protections exist. The paper emphasizes the need to view queer experiences through an intersectional lens, acknowledging that advancements in one area alone may not suffice to transform their experiences from marginalization to inclusion.