Celem artykuu jest wykazanie, jak istotne znaczenie odgrywa zapewnienie bezpieczestwa

The right to the city is a solution that can be considered in terms of third-generation human rights. The right to the city also serves as a tool for the effective fulfilment and respect of human rights agreed at the international level as well as the Sustainable Development Goals expressed in the 2030 Agenda. This is undoubtedly a new paradigm for urban development, which provides an alternative framework for rethinking cities and urbanisation. It aims to address the main challenges in cities and human settlements. The purpose of the article is to present an understanding of the right to the city by the analysis of its structure and the answer to the question of whether it is in fact a third-generation human right.

Artyku ma dwa podstawowe

The main purpose of the presented research project is to prepare an initiating answer to the present state of judicial integrity recognised as the top of legal professions and the legal system as such. The method comes mainly from the Oxford analytical jurisprudence, nevertheless, the historical and interdisciplinary approaches, as well as a legal practice, were taken seriously into consideration. The main theses and their scientific standpoints are: (i) at present, we are facing the disintegration of integrity; (ii) one of the sources of it lies in the very grounds of major jurisprudential terms, understood as parts of the Hartian internal point of view and that there are fundamental analytical paradoxes of integrity, generating practical dysfunctionalities; (iii) it is possible to solve main problems through a completely new approach: an ontological turn in the philosophy of law causing the idea of law as a concept and a new concept of integrity, namely ‘negative integrity’. It could be easily and effectively treated as practical support for firstly improving judicial integrity and secondly legal practice in general.

The COVID-19 pandemic, placing societies and governments in an exceptional situation in every respect, has had an impact on the legal order of individual countries. It pressed them, on the one hand, to take swift and decisive actions and, on the other hand – to a necessary thorough assessment and considering of the costs and consequences, both legal and economic, of the introduced measures, often related to the constraints of constitutionally guaranteed civil liberties. Although Sweden during the pandemic seemingly chose a path different from other European countries, keeping social life largely unaffected, in its essence this strategy did not differ much from those used in other countries. The aim of the article is to present the solutions adopted in Sweden and to analyse the Swedish strategy against the background of constitutional civil liberties.

The article deals with the problem of modal inference: if some addressees are obliged to do something, they are also obliged to realize states of affairs which constitute a necessary condition for the main obligation. Likewise, they are obliged to refrain from realizing states of affairs which constitute a sufficient condition for the action contradicting the main obligation. This type of inference is called in Polish legal theory “instrumental inference”. It is argued in the article that sometimes instrumental norms in law must be fulfilled (“preparatory actions” must be undertaken) before the main obligation is fulfilled. Lawgiver helps addressees of norms by applying vacatio legis. It can lead to new paradoxical consequences – to the creation of “virtual norms” – norms which never come into force, but addressees are obliged to undertake preparatory actions. The article presents theoretical description of this phenomenon. In conclusion one dogmatic claim is proposed: there is a potential way (art. 4171 § 1 k.c.) of getting from public officials compensation for preparatory actions which caused burden for addressees, when the main obligation turned out to be “virtual”. In Poland this procedure should be based on the rulings of the Constitutional Tribunal.

The article portrays the ballot paper as a constitutional instrument of electoral democracy. The authors argue that the result of an election often depends on the form, the content, and the method of filling out the ballot. It is shown that a ballot is an election instrument of standard form, by means of which a voter votes for candidates and/or lists of candidates, and which later allows to establish the election results. It is concluded that the definition and classification of ballot types has not only theoretical but also practical value. In particular, this issue is of great practical significance in four cases: 1) simultaneous elections of differing types (sometimes including a simultaneous vote at a referendum); election of candidates for elective offices under different types of electoral systems or different types of territorial constituencies; 3) the vote count and establishing the outcome of the election; 4) prosecuting criminals for the illegal use of ballots.

Społeczna inspekcja pracy będąca szczególną formą związkowej reprezentacji pracowniczej jest uprawniona do sprawowania kontroli nad pracodawcą w zakresie przestrzegania przez niego przepisów prawa pracy. Realizacja funkcji kontrolnej łączy się z potrzebą dostępu społecznego inspektora pracy do informacji i doku-mentów, które mogą zawierać dane osobowe pracowników. W opracowaniu posta-wiono tezę, że społeczny inspektor pracy jest podmiotem przetwarzającym dane osobowe pracowników w imieniu zakładowej organizacji związkowej, która jest administratorem tych danych, zaś podstawą przetwarzania danych osobowych pracowników są odpowiednie przepisy RODO. Tezy postawione w opracowaniu posłużyły krytyce stanowiska Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w kwestii dopuszczal-ności pozyskiwania przez społecznego inspektora pracy danych osobowych. Problemy przedstawione w opracowaniu nie były dotychczas przedmiotem wypo-wiedzi doktryny.