ABSTRACT In the international Communist movement after the Russian Revolution, Black radical opponents of racism, colonialism, and capitalism entered a productive dialogue with European socialist revolutionism. This tradition was itself shaped by decades of theoretical disagreement around the relationship between historical development and socialist revolution. Common to the leading figures of Europe’s revolutionary Left (Lenin, Luxemburg, Trotsky) was an emphasis on the uninterrupted continuity of democratic and socialist revolutions in the epoch of imperialism. ‘Permanent revolution’ became a phrase associated exclusively with Trotskyists, but many Communists in different traditions professed affiliation with a flexible and revolutionary version of Marxism. As such, though the language of uninterrupted or permanent revolution was often absent from Black Marxist writing in the 1920s and 1930s, writers such as Claude McKay, Grace Campbell, C.L.R. James, and W.E.B. Du Bois articulated Marxist perspectives on Black oppression that similarly transcended rigid and economist versions of Marxism. Their additional emphasis was on the vanguard role of anticolonial radicals in the world revolution. As Black internationalists appropriated Marxism, they deployed a logic that helps to connect revolutionary theory in Europe with the intellectual work of radical Black internationalists.

ABSTRACT This article examines the evolutionary history of coolie labourers and the Maistries in the plantations of colonial Madras Presidency in South India during the nineteenth century. The post-emancipation era in colonial India witnessed the growth of planting industries and several phases of migration of coolies to the overseas and domestic plantations. By focussing on coolie migration, particularly the recruitment, settlement and management practices in the coffee plantations of South India, this article argues that the capitalist entrepreneurs intentionally used indigenous socio-political and cultural forms and incorporated the traditional authorities in controlling and managing the estates. The intermediaries between the planters and the coolies used the traditional domains of caste, patriarchy, religion, group, locality, indebtedness, and vulnerability to recruit and employ the labourers in the plantations. The article points to the 'continued indebtedness' of the coolies through advance payment mechanisms and the birth of a coercive supervising authority in the South Indian colonial plantations during the nineteenth century. The article also argues that in due course of plantation development, the coolie recruitment and the engagement of the Maistries became the domains of colonial governmental intervention through new forms of writing practices and the collection of vital statistics of the coolies.

ABSTRACT Labour unrest in the United Kingdom during the Second World War was concentrated within the coal industry that accounted for around half of all strikes. This article proposes that institutional industrial relations within this regionally constituted industry should be analysed through a regional lens, as opposed to a national approach. It uses a case study of the south Wales coalfield to examine how the regional union and employers’ association interacted with each other and the state to govern industrial relations. It makes two arguments. One is that war transformed their relative power given the need to produce sufficient coal to fuel the war economy. The South Wales Miners Federation gained influence as it offered co-operation to boost production, but the Monmouthshire and South Wales Coalowners Association lost agency as it sought unsuccessfully to maintain pre-war approaches, while ongoing crises forced the government to accelerate interventions. The other is that these shifts enabled regional unions to outflank owners and co-opt the state to achieve their goals within industrial relations; the recreation of national bargaining machinery and obtaining higher wages. Although unions could not secure nationalization, the war ended with a consensus that the ownership status quo was untenable.

ABSTRACT The role of international organizations in fostering the evolution of education systems worldwide emerged in the 1950s, and the OEEC-OECD, in particular, contributed to shaping the so-called ‘education-economic growth’ paradigm. First, its education agenda was the push to spread technical and vocational education, being one of the key means for preparing citizens for modern society in a Cold War context. In addition, the spread of these relevant skills provided solutions to actual problems that affected the less-developed Western European countries. Consequently, Mediterranean Europe became a laboratory for new visions and practices for development. In the educational field, these countries were an ideal environment to observe the changes underway and, above all, evaluate the actual outcomes of these early programs.

ABSTRACT The New York City taxi industry operated primarily from the early 1900s until 1979 as a commission based system between fleet garage owners and their drivers. While there was also a minority of owner-drivers, owners of their means of production, the industry maintained a revenue sharing relationship between owners and workers until the economic downturn of the 1970s and the evolution of the leased cab, known as ‘horse hiring.’ This article examines how an atomized industry, such as cab driving, in which the entire work process is performed by one person, responded to both the global economic downturns ― the loss of manufacturing jobs in New York City, and the immediate impact of the oil crises of 1973 and 1979 on the fleet garages in New York City. In addition, the virulent 14 day taxi strike in December 1970 was a precipitating factor in starting a rank-and-file movement among the younger drivers. While the atomized nature of taxi driving is considered along with the repeated failures to successfully unionize, the social history of the industry is viewed as more reflective of the general post-Vietnam War downturn in the United States by the early 1970s.

ABSTRACT The Confederation of Latin American Workers (CTAL) was a very influential organization among workers’ confederations in the region, especially between 1938 and 1953. However, because of its political and union agenda, CTAL became a threat to the anticommunist politics of the United States government around 1943. During the presidency of Harry S. Truman, the organization was infiltrated by leaders of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) who intervened in the internal politics of the continent’s governments in order to limit their democratic rights. Their actions deeply affected the proletariat and their organizations and provoked internal conflicts among the leaders of CTAL’s Central Committee due to their commitment to Soviet policies. What followed was dissent and the rupture of the region’s national workers’ confederations, as well as the persecution of workers by national governments. In 1953, CTAL began to break down; the conflict between capitalism and communism had permeated its militants and new directions for unionism appeared in the region, all set on a stage where the workers’ movement was adapting itself to a bipolar world

ABSTRACT Cuba’s accession to the Comecon in 1972 opened an opportunity for the Socialist Bloc countries to involve citizens of the Caribbean island in their respective labor migration programs. Since the end of the 1970s, thousands of Cubans annually were coming to Czechoslovakia to work; since 1981, hundreds of them arrived annually in Hungary, too. The article contextualizes the labor migration program in both countries and offers groundwork on this topic hitherto unstudied. It also addresses issues such as working and housing conditions, salary policies, social life and social interaction of Cuban guestworkers with local populations. The text covers mostly the 1980s and is framed by the intergovernmental agreements on the employment of Cubans. The authors suggest that labor migration programs in the Socialist Bloc were triggered by factors similar to those in the West (especially labor shortage) and that some of the accompanying social phenomena in the ‘capitalist’ and ‘socialist’ world were not dissimilar.

ABSTRACT The members of its governing Executive Committee constituted the national leadership of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Prosopographical analysis which employs both quantitative and qualitative methods is utilized to explore the origins; age; education; occupations; experience and affiliation; party career; and destination of 47 of 48 members of the committee who held office between 1920 and 1923. The survey presents, in many cases for the first time, details of their background and activity. Against previous assertions of youthfulness and Scottish and Welsh influence, it demonstrates the majority were born in England before 1890 and that while almost two-thirds were skilled workers or miners, a fifth worked in white-collar occupations. There were high rates of turnover and discontinuity: more than 80% of representatives served briefly and 71% were never re-elected after 1923. Up to half were no longer in the party by the end of the decade and only four remained in its leadership after 1932. Mini-biographies of the 33 Communists whose leading role was restricted to ‘the long foundation period’ confirm the weakness and frequently ineffective and confused nature of its leadership as well as the significant difficulties faced by early British Communism.

ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze the relationship between student labor and the results of the Saber 11 Test taken by high school seniors in Colombia and required for the admission process to higher education institutions. An estimated linear regression model with cross-sectional data during the 2014–2018 time period revealed that the hours that students devote to work negatively affects their learning in all areas evaluated, and that this impact is greater in males than in females. The article brings up the reflection on the high social costs that affect the social, economic and cultural development of a country like Colombia derived from the negative relationship between works and learning which, in the long term, has an impact on the accumulation of human capital. Critics of the implementation of standardized tests as part of educational policy stress that the insufficient pedagogical use of these and their weak links with educational research are obstacles that impede the expected advances in terms of improving student performance, teacher training and technical assistance to educational establishments.

ABSTRACT The central contribution of this paper lies in showing a need to consider the complexity of interinstitutional systems, thereby more effectively relate rationality to context. Drawing on an institutional logics perspective, it presents a study of workplace training in a particular industrial sector in the UK: ceramic production. While identifying a vicious circle in the form of, what can be termed, a ‘high-quality/low-(formal-)skill’ system state, rather than simply privileging structure over action, findings show embedded individual agency. Besides being directed by goals, interests and self-seeking behaviour, a dominant logic for senior management personnel towards technology and home-based production was guided by issues of social identity and identification. ‘Nested’ in different opportunities and constraints presented at the levels of organizations and institutions, this individual-level logic was translated into not one, but two alternative corporate logics towards existing state-led intermediate-level workforce training arrangements. Both perpetuated a low-(formal-)skill situation in the sector.