Abstract Motivation is the state of wanting something. But there are two basic ways to want something: non-consciously and consciously. Non-conscious (“implicit”) motivations are nonverbal and push us toward experiences and incentives without our awareness. Conscious (“explicit”) motivations can be expressed verbally and are the specific goals we think we are trying to achieve. Unfortunately, the conscious self may be clueless about what is really going on under the surface, and thus people may spend years pursuing “non-concordant” goals that are not really wanted. One needs to learn how to recognize this condition and how to open oneself up to deeper yearnings and potentials. Recognizing these deeper motives is a first step. The second step is to find the courage to take action to reorganize one’s life. Doing so is one of the best ways to find happiness.

Abstract “Can I do this?” People’s response to this question provides a strong clue to how they will behave toward a task. Feeling a sense of personal efficacy guides how people think, what they choose, and ultimately what they do. In contrast, people who doubt their capabilities typically expect less of themselves, choose easier tasks, or give up entirely. Those with high personal efficacy beliefs expect better outcomes, choose more challenging pursuits, and optimize their performance. Four building blocks of a healthy sense of efficacy have been identified. Recommendations are offered for how professionals in education, work, sports, and health can use these insights to support self-efficacy development of those in their care.

Abstract Traditional self-report surveys of motivation, such as questionnaires, may not be specific enough to provide valid and precise measurement of motivation. These limitations can significantly hamper motivation assessment, research, and practical interventions. While currently underutilized, biopsychology can inform and supplement traditional motivation research to better explain how and why students go about their schoolwork. This essay explores two areas of biopsychological research in the context of student motivation: psychophysiology (e.g., via heart rate, cortisol, electrodermal activity) and neuroscience (e.g., via electroencephalogram). Psychophysiological and neuropsychological perspectives can augment current research and practice in all of the following ways: motivation assessment; motivation theory; motivation intervention; and expanded breadth, reach, and relevance of motivation in schools.

Abstract An achievement goal refers to the underlying reason or purpose for engaging in an achievement-related situation such as school, work, or sports. For the past several decades, achievement goal theorists have debated whether there are benefits when students focus on demonstrating their competence while also trying to learn and understand. The debate has largely focused on the potential achievement benefits of trying to look smart. On the positive side, performance-oriented goals such as trying to look smart do tend to boost performance, but this comes at a cost, such as a threat to self-worth. In trying to answer this question, achievement goal theories emphasize and recommend the utility of mastery goals, multiple goals, and adaptive goal profiles.

Abstract As desire, motivation means to want to gain, keep, or protect something. As aversion, motivation means to want to avoid, remove, or destroy something. To lack motivation means to lack such desire or aversion. Because life is a conditional process, action guided by consciousness is critical to the organism’s survival. They must take action to satisfy their needs, and these actions require learning and locomotion. If they fail to act or take the wrong actions, they sicken or perish. The phenomenon of evolution means that surviving species have taken enough of the right actions. Categories of motivation include needs, values, goals, incentives, and self-efficacy. How these types of motivation actually translate into action and performance depends on the person’s unique knowledge and skill. Like motives, emotions also energize action.

Extract To be motivated is to be moved to do something (see Essay 1.2 by Elliot; Essay 1.10 by Basarkod and Marsh). Ten of the eleven contributors explain that movement arises from a "mental representation of a desired future state." The prototype of such a mental representation is a "goal," so motivation is essentially a goal-directed process that moves the person toward a desired future state. Half of the contributors suggest that this definition omits the critical concept of "desire," though some use a synonym, such as a "feeling of desire" (Essay 1.9, Pekrun), "wanting something" (Essay 1.6, Sheldon), "wanting gain" (Essay 1.3, Locke), or "preference" (Essay 1.7, Higgins and Nakkawita). Most contributors conclude that any definition of motivation requires both components of goal and desire. Desire provides movement's energy, while goal provides movement's direction (Essay 1.2, Elliot). Desire is also necessary to differentiate "cold cognition" from "hot motivation," as Pekrun (Essay 1.9) points out that motivation is not about cold cognition. Instead, the goals people pursue are awash in desire. Essentially, motivation is desire + goal.

People differ in trait anger, or how easily they lose their temper. The present authors suggest that whether trait anger become translated into angry feelings and behavior may depend on basic motivational states. Specifically, people with high (vs. low) trait anger may display increased anger and aggression when their current state is more rather than less approach oriented. Consistent with this, trait anger predicted state anger among participants who assumed high approach-oriented postures, but not among those who assumed low approach-oriented postures (Study 1, N = 127; Study 2, N = 151). Trait anger further predicted aggressive inclinations (Study 2) when participants assumed a high (rather than low) approach-oriented posture. Finally, trait anger predicted aggression (Study 3, N = 178; Study 4, N = 177) when participants assumed a high (rather than low) approach-oriented posture. These findings suggest that motivationally relevant bodily movements regulate whether trait anger becomes translated into state anger and aggression