Based on a hitherto neglected set of data, this paper offers a novel analysis of Mandarin clausal arguments whereby they can appear in the form of DP-shelled CPs or bona fide CPs but not as DPs unconditionally. That is, the apparent category mixture puzzle arises for Mandarin clausal arguments since they have the option of occurring embedded within a null DP projection as long as this DP is formally licensed by the EPP or by selection. The study adds another new perspective for the controversy as to whether CPs are natural arguments and also shows that there might be much more complex structure to CPs than meet the eyes.

This paper provides new evidence that syntactic principles that are proposed to explain the (un)grammaticality of a sentence can also hold in sociolinguistic variation. In particular, we argue that two puzzling frequency patterns involving negation in French—the proximity effect on negative concord and the polarity effect on future temporal reference—are deeply related and are both derived from the sensitivity of syntactic agreement to “soft” locality constraints. Recent quantitative studies of future temporal reference reveal that, although all negative items are subject to the polarity effect in Laurentian French, pas does not give rise to the polarity effect in Parisian French. We argue that this dialectal difference can be explained by minor variations in the syntactic and semantic properties of the negative marker pas, given an appropriate analysis of the syntax of negative concord. Our paper therefore shows that incorporating sociolinguistic variation into syntactic theory helps refine our understanding of general syntactic principles, such as locality constraints, and argues that frequency/preference patterns should be included in the full theory of syntactic competence and performance of speakers.

Phonological assimilation phenomena are often restricted by morphological boundaries. This paper presents data from Mgira in order to argue that both root boundaries and affix boundaries serve to block assimilation processes such as nasal place assimilation and postnasal voicing. The result is that assimilation may obtain, but only within morphemes, not across them. This is analysed as confirmation of the power of the CrispEdge constraints proposed by Itô and Mester (1999) to take precedence over general markedness constraints, blocking feature spreading across morphological boundaries. The analysis is claimed to yield the same effect as a Morpheme Structure Constraint, limiting the force of a constraint to within the boundaries of morphemes.

Double object constructions provide an ideal context in which to investigate interactions between multiple instances of movement. With two internal arguments, we can construct scenarios where one A-moves and another Ā-moves, such as in the passive wh-question What was Sue given? Holmberg et al. (2019) observe that in many languages (e.g. Norwegian) that otherwise permit either object of a double object construction to A-move to subject position, a restriction emerges when the indirect object wh-moves: the indirect object must also A-move (e.g. Who was given a book?). One cannot pronounce an indirect object wh-question in a clause where the direct object A-moves instead (*Who was a book given?). In this paper, I observe that this restriction is only found in languages that otherwise permit the indirect object to A-move. In languages such as Greek, which have no indirect object passives, indirect objects can freely wh-move in a direct object passive, and thus do not exhibit the same restriction as in Norwegian. I propose that this restriction comes about in languages such as Norwegian but not Greek due to the timing of wh-movement relative to A-movement within vP. Indirect objects wh-move through the position that controls A-movement early, blocking a direct object from A-moving, so long as the indirect object can A-move itself. The analysis features a smuggling approach to passives of ditransitives (Collins 2005) and an economy condition like van Urk and Richards’ (2015) Multitasking, which jointly predict the order of operations that gives rise to the wh-movement restriction observed in Norwegian.

A notoriously contested subarea of phonological typology is word-prosodic typology, which governs suprasegmental structure (such as tone, syllable structure and stress) at the word level. Within word-prosodic typology, it is widely recognized that some languages have so-called stress systems while others have lexical-tone systems. Other languages appear to have intermediate systems, with properties of both stress and lexically contrastive tone. Certain types of such intermediate systems are at the core of ongoing theoretical debates on the nature of word- prosodic systems, viz. language varieties with contrasts between two word tones that are restricted to the main-stressed syllables of a word, a phenomenon that is often descriptively referred to as tonal accent. In this paper, we aim to show that exploring tone-accent systems in detail has the potential to significantly contribute to word-prosodic typology, specifically concerning the foot as a tool for the analysis of syllable-internal prosodic contrasts. The phonology of tonal accent in Franconian (a variety of West Germanic spoken in parts of Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands) will be the main piece of evidence supporting our claims, with a focus on predictable interactions between segmental structure and accentuation. A central implication of our analysis is that tonal contrasts within syllables can sometimes derive from two types of feet being active in the same prosodic system. We support the Franconian evidence with analogous tone-segment interactions in Estonian and discuss the relevance of our claims in the broader context of word-prosodic typology.

This paper argues based on data from Uyghur (Turkic) that clausal complementation structures involving a special form of the verb ‘say’ are actually adjunct clauses headed by the verb ‘say’ that merge at two heights: VP or TP. I demonstrate that properties unique to ‘say’ as a main verb extend to ‘say’ in these adjunct clauses. Accusative subjects are a primary focus, where it is shown that the re-analysis of clausal complementation has implications for Case Theory in Uyghur and beyond.

Cases of apparent V3 order in German finite main clauses are commonly attributed to remnant VP movement to SpecC. The remnant VPs posited in this approach are headed by a trace, left behind by a verb that evacuated from VP prior to the movement of VP. Müller (2018) argued that such remnant VPs are subject to a process of restructuring that removes the verb’s trace and reassociates the phrases that depended on that head prior to its removal. This commentary discusses novel observations about operator scope which lend further support to the remnant movement approach to apparent V3, but which at the same time are inconsistent with the assumption that remnant VPs in the German prefield are always subject to restructuring.