Previous articleNext article No AccessSymposium on the Supreme CourtHow the Christian Right Slayed a Monster and Reframed the Religion Clauses in BremertonJoshua C. Wilson and Amanda Hollis-BruskyJoshua C. WilsonUniversity of Denver Search for more articles by this author and Amanda Hollis-BruskyPomona College Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Polity Volume 55, Number 2April 2023Buttered Bagels The Journal of the Northeastern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/724187 Views: 46Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref HistoryPublished online February 28, 2023 © 2023 Northeastern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Alyson Cole, Robyn Marasco, and Charles Tien Buttered Bagels, Polity 55, no.22 (Mar 2023): 241–247.https://doi.org/10.1086/724222Christine C. Bird and Zachary A. McGee Looking Forward: Interest Group Legal Strategy and Federalist Society Affiliation in the United States Circuit Courts of Appeal, Polity 55, no.22 (Feb 2023): 389–399.https://doi.org/10.1086/724189Susan Liebell The Politics of Law: Capricious Originalism and the Future of the Supreme Court, Polity 55, no.22 (Feb 2023): 356–362.https://doi.org/10.1086/724164

This paper argues that in normalizing the language of the critique of law enforcement during voir dire in the 2021 trial of Derek Chauvin, three important changes occurred: the first was that Black jurors were less likely to be dismissed for opinions they have long voiced, but which had been seen as the basis for legitimate dismissal, the second was that it clarified what contextual impartiality should mean for the court given widespread scrutiny of the racial discrimination within and outside of the law. Lastly, the topics covered during voir dire served to highlight precisely the types of life experiences that may be valuable for the juror’s task of phronesis, Aristotle’s term for practical wisdom, necessary for deliberation and determining the verdict. The paper includes a close reading of the voir dire responses of several jurors in the Chauvin trial.

Racial discrimination in school punishment is well documented but not well understood. We examine the politics of implicit bias as theorized by the Racial Classification Model using two types of school suspensions in a state with large numbers of both Black and Hispanic students. We find important differences in sanctioning patterns with Black and Hispanic enrollment as expected from differing stereotypes of those groups. There are also differences within Hispanic students in Florida—again highlighting the importance of group stereotypes. In addition, we find a spillover effect, where schools comprised of more Black (and to a lesser extent, Hispanic) students have higher suspension rates for not only Black students, but for White and Hispanic students as well.

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Last HumanElla MyersElla MyersUniversity of Utah Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Polity Volume 54, Number 4October 2022STOP WARS The Journal of the Northeastern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/721671 Views: 87Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref HistoryPublished online August 23, 2022 KeywordsFukuyamaanthropoceneclimate changeearth systemsolace© 2022 Northeastern Political Science Association. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Francis Fukuyama Response to the Polity Collection, Polity 54, no.44 (Aug 2022): 834–840.https://doi.org/10.1086/721670Alyson Cole, Robyn Marasco, and Charles Tien STOP WARS, Polity 54, no.44 (Sep 2022): 651–657.https://doi.org/10.1086/721695

The historical turn in political science has yielded numerous innovations in historical methods, but little in terms of systematic engagement with historical methodologies, understood as the logics of inquiry underlying historical analysis. The lack of engagement with historical methodologies has led to a narrowing of the space for historical inquiry, as scholars are often presented with a binary choice between realist and poststructuralist approaches, with the question of objectivity serving as the intractable divide. To the extent that scholars have carved out a middle ground, it has rested on contextualist approaches, though these too have been vulnerable to the critique of objectivity. In this article, I articulate the principles of a fourth position, rooted in the methodology of Max Weber and the idea of reflexive verstehen (understanding), a mode of investigation which seeks an empathetic understanding of historical subjectivities while foregrounding the researcher’s subjective orientation to the inquiry. The Weberian alternative, I argue, navigates a unique path around the gauntlet of scientific objectivity. It offers the possibility of historical understanding that is rooted in subjective understanding, but by virtue of submitting to a process of evaluation and incorporating an element of reflexivity can claim the status of scientific knowledge. It also enables an “event” driven approach to historical inquiry that expands where we can look for historical knowledge. In doing so it both improves the quality of historical understanding and increases its scope.

Attempts to apply the methods and findings of The Authoritarian Personality to Chinese culture and politics reveal the limits of its cross-cultural reach. Additional qualms result from a considerat...

Historians are often allergic to ideas of collective pathology. I do not disagree at all with these objections and concerns. And yet, this paper stresses the centrality of the book The Authoritarian Personality because in addition to its problematic pathologizing tendencies, it also poses important challenges to the history of fascism, especially in terms of the latter's periodization and its intellectual history. In other words, it is time to think with and about The Authoritarian Personality in the context of studies on fascism.