The special military operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the antiRussian sanctions imposed by the European Union, in general, and Italy, in particular, including in the energy sector, have become a catalyst for structural transformations of logistics chains of hydrocarbon supplies to European markets. There is a clear trend among European countries to look for new sources of fossil fuel exports, which are still necessary to ensure the energy security of the EU member states. In particular, since Russia had until recently been a key partner of the Italian Republic in the energy field, the new reality has led to a rapid increase in Italy’s cooperation with many other hydrocarbon supplier countries, including Azerbaijan. Methodology: case study, correlation analysis, expert assessment method, comparative analysis, structural and functional analysis, traditional document analysis and factor analysis. Conclusions: the stability of the energy partnership development between the Italian and Azerbaijani Republics, despite the international agenda and the frequent change of Italian governments; the cooperation is carried out both at the interstate level and between the companies of the two countries; the imbalance in trade between the two states, as Azerbaijan supplies mainly energy resources to Italy, and Italian exports to the Transcaucasian republic are more diversified; Azerbaijani natural gas is gradually approaching the export potential of the Transcaucasian republic’s oil.

The article examines the principal instruments the European Union «soft power» in the Central Asian countries, also their role in advancing European values and in shaping and strengthening relations with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. The legal basis for the inception of cooperation between the European Union and the states of the region is the «Strategy for a New Partnership» adopted in 2007, which was lated updated in 2019. Partnership was further strengthened after the signing of a joint declaration following the «European Union-Central Asia» summit in 2025. In the current geopolitical environment, the EU’s interest in the region is driven by the growing strategic importance of the Central Asian states. The EU’s distinctive feature is its exclusive reliance on «soft power» to foster relationships. The principal instruments include humanitarian cooperation, cultural diplomacy, educational programs, support for civil society institutions, and the advancement of democratic values. The effectiveness of the tools has been assessed with results including students’ exchanges, the expansion of civil society and educational reform. This evaluation highlights the potential of «soft power» to develop long-term partnerships, support reforms in the region, and form a positive image of Europe. The research emphasizes the constraints faced by the European Union, including geopolitical rivalry from Russia, China and other actors, differences in cultural and political contexts, also limited resources for large-scale program implementation. Accordingly, the analysis has been carried out on the limitations to the EU’s «soft power» in Central Asia, which reduce the impact of European initiatives. The research stresses the necessity for a more flexible and adaptive approach that accounts for the specificities and priorities of the region’s countries. This approach would enable the EU to establish sustainable ties aligned with regional interests. In conclusion, it is emphasized that the effectiveness of soft power application depends on the EU’s strategically attitude in Central Asia. The article examines the most important instruments of European union soft power in Central Asian countries, such as humanitarian cooperation, cultural diplomacy, educational programs, support for civil society institutions and the promotion of democratic values. The European Union’s interest in this region is driven by the growing strategic importance of Central Asian countries in the current geopolitical environment. The effectiveness of these instruments in these countries has been assessed, resulting in student exchanges, the growth of civil society and education reforms. The analysis of the limitations of the EU’s soft power in Central Asian countries has been conducted.

The article analyzes the key features of Russia-China cooperation in the field of security within the context of the emerging polycentric world order. Amid growing international instability and the escalation of global threats, Russia-China cooperation is becoming increasingly significant as a key factor for ensuring regional and global stability and security. The study focuses on political mutual trust as the cornerstone of stability and examines multifaceted collaboration in areas such as economic, energy, food, and military security. However, Russia-China cooperation faces significant challenges, including international pressure driven by the hegemonic policies of certain Western countries, the deterioration of the global security environment, and economic asymmetries between the two countries. Additionally, diverging regional interests in Central Asia, East Asia, and South Asia may pose obstacles to joint efforts in addressing critical global and regional issues.

Modern Moldovan policy considers the geopolitical realities associated primarily with the military conflict in Ukraine. In the context of Russia’s Special Military Operation, the Moldovan side has intensified its foreign policy, which is aimed at expanding cooperation with the Western states. The decision of Ukraine to stop the transit of Russian gas through its territory has given Chisinau an additional leverage over Transnistria, which depends on gas imports. The Moldovan authorities have two goals. The first one is to exert pressure on Transnistria in order to realize the strategy of reducing the autonomy of Tiraspol. The second one is to implement plans for the reintegration of the two parts of the country. Economic and political pressure on Transnistria is carried out with the support of the EU, which backed Kiev in cancelling the transit of Russian gas and does not interfere in the interaction between Chisinau and Tiraspol. Additionally, the issue of gas supplies plays a big role in the relations between Moldova and Transnistria, as both Chisinau and the unrecognized republic depend on gas. Until the end of 2024, Moldova received electricity generated in Transnistria on the basis of cheap Russian gas. Furthermore, since the beginning of 2025, Moldova has aggravated relations with Gagauzia, whose position regarding the internal and external political courses of the country causes dissatisfaction in Chisinau. The article concludes that the strategy of the Moldovan authorities has led to the growth of domestic political conflict and increased geopolitical tension in the Western part of the post-Soviet area. the Eurasian area has a long-term basis and meets the interests of Moscow.

The article investigates the modern policy of Great Britain in Central Asia. In recent years, official London has increased its interest in Central Asia. The region is considered as an important direction of British foreign policy. The British course is implemented in the context of the policy of the collective West towards the Central Asian states. It is based on the weakening of Russia’s political, trade and economic relations with Central Asian countries and putting pressure on them to change their foreign policy course. It is important for London to reorient Central Asia’s political and economic ties with Moscow and Beijing toward the interests of the collective West. London’s involvement in Central Asia is determined by energy resources in the region, as well as long-term plans to gain access to deposits of rare earth metals. The article concludes that it is possible to make only а relative comparisons with the “Great Game” that unfolded between the Russian Empire and Great Britain in the middle of the 19th century in the Central Asian khanates. The geopolitical conditions have changed dramatically and, in addition, London follows the general policy of the West. Nevertheless, London’s goals in Central Asia have not changed — the struggle for resources and limiting the influence of Russia.

After the collapse of the USSR, the policy of the Western states towards Central Asia was focused on the issues linked to the expansion of trade and economic relations, gaining access to hydrocarbon resources of the regional countries and organizing their reliable export to foreign markets. In recent years, due to changes in technological development, the Western countries have increased their interest in rare-earth metals. Competition aimed at getting control over explored and prospective deposits is unfolding in different regions of the world. One of the promising areas with significant reserves of rare-earth metals is Central Asia. For this reason, in the last few years the USA, the EU, Great Britain and other countries have become increasingly interested in the region. The West is pursuing an active policy course towards Central Asian states. Such an approach is aimed not so much at developing the countries of the area as at expanding the presence of the West and reorienting the foreign policy course of the regional states towards the interests of non-regional actors. The ultimate goal of the Western states is to gain control over the deposits of rare-earth metals, which are located in Central Asia. The article covers the main directions of the policy the Western states apply in the region and underscores the mechanisms they use to promote their interests in gaining access to promising deposits of rare-earth metals. At the same time, the countries of the region generally welcome the Western policy, believing that it will attract additional investments into their economies. In turn, some influential and rich Western states along with companies they support exert pressure on Central Asian countries, seeking the most favorable conditions for themselves in the development of deposits and control over the resulting resources. The article concludes that Russia and China are competing with the Western states in Central Asia for getting access and gaining control over the deposits of rare-earth metals.

This article examines the role of stability of Niger uranium supply to France for the volume of electricity export to Europe, as well as the possible role of Russia in resolving the uranium deficit for nuclear power plants in France. France is considered one of the world’s largest producers and exporters of nuclear energy. For more than 50 years, one of the main suppliers of uranium to France has been its former colony, represented by Niger. Due to the events of 27 July 2023 in the Niger, there is a high risk of a complete cut in the supply of Niger uranium to France, which threatens the energy security not only of France, but of all its neighbors: Germany, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Switzerland and others. Also in this work, the statistical data on uranium shipments from other countries to France are analyzed, the possible risks associated with the changing political situation in the African region are predicted and various measures are presented, which could be taken to mitigate the impact of the disruption of uranium supplies from the Niger to France’s nuclear sector.

Through vigorous economic development in recent decades, China has become one of the world’s leading economies and a major player in the international arena. The strengthening economic potential has caused a significant increase in the demand for energy resources. Therefore, the need for an effective energy policy has also increased. The PRC uses fossil energy resources such as coal, oil and natural gas as its main energy sources. Fossil energy sources are currently important for maintaining the country’s energy balance. Moreover, one of the important objectives of energy policy is to reduce the environmental risks associated with the overuse of the coal industry. The coal industry poses a serious threat to the environment, as emissions of biogenic methane and carbon dioxide from fuel combustion lead to a greenhouse effect. In this regard, China is actively developing alternative energy sources that will be beneficial for this period of economic development, namely the oil and gas industry. Oil and gas are among the main sources of energy in the PRC today. China currently occupies an important position in the global oil and gas market, having a significant impact on prices in these sectors. Every year, the country purchases significant amounts of oil and gas from global markets and uses them in various sectors of the economy, including manufacturing, transport and energy. In addition, China is actively developing oil and gas infrastructure and investing in exploration and production activities to meet its own energy needs. In this regard, the article studies the oil and gas industry of the PRC, considers the main indicators of oil and gas production, imports and consumption, and analyses the existing development trends and problems of this industry.

The onset of the 2022 energy crisis, the impact of which is felt by the whole world, and especially Europe, has radically changed the existing mechanisms of the European Union energy policy. It is therefore necessary to assess energy policy’s new directions and implementation measures. After providing a summary of the key reasons for the energy crisis in Europe, the article assessed the new measures and mechanisms, as well as the reasons for their adoption by the European Commission. The article revealed the influence of the actions taken on the state of the energy sector of the European Union, as well as their role in the emergence of disagreements between Brussels and EU member states. Ultimately, it was concluded that the European Union’s response to the energy crisis is insufficient. While there are prerequisites for a continuation of the crisis in 2023, the European Union is primarily pursuing geopolitical goals without addressing the underlying causes of price increases. There is the prospect of increasing pressure on the Commission to intervene more in the electricity market and more effectively support business and households.

The article is devoted to the study of China’s energy transition policy and the prospects for its implementation. As the world’s second largest economy, the People’s Republic of China has become an important part of the global energy market in recent years. In the process of industrialization and economic growth, the Chinese economy plays an important and positive role in maintaining the world’s energy security. In connection with the gradual slowdown in the growth of the Chinese economy, the full implementation of the Paris Agreement, as well as the transformation and modernization of the global energy structure, the Chinese side proposed a new strategy for energy transition and energy security. In 2020, China announced a desire to reduce carbon emissions and achieve carbon neutrality. Despite the fact that China’s own coal dominates in the structure of China’s energy balance, the emphasis is on identifying the role of oil and gas in the modernization of the energy system. The features of China’s energy production and consumption structure are emphasized, in which natural gas can become an auxiliary and transitional energy source during its transformation of the energy system. The article discusses the main documents that define the energy transition. The preliminary results of China’s implementation of the new energy policy have been summed up. It is concluded that energy saving and efficiency improvement are the primary objectives of China’s modern energy strategy, as well as important measures to reduce carbon dioxide emissions.