This study examines how gender representation in legislative and bureaucratic institutions shapes disability-related lawmaking and the socioeconomic outcomes of people with disabilities (PWDs). Using national-level data on disability-related legislation in Korea over 44 years (1978-2022), the analysis assesses the effects of women’s political and bureaucratic representation, focusing on their interaction with one another and with legislative initiatives. The findings reveal conditional and interactive effects of women’s representation across political and administrative institutions, highlighting the potential for cross-group representation beyond shared demographic identity. A direct positive link between women’s representation and disability-related legislative activity is not consistently observed, suggesting that women’s allyship is context-dependent and shaped by strategic considerations, including anticipated electoral backlash and socioeconomic penalties. However, the interaction between political and bureaucratic representation increases disability-related legislative activity when women are underrepresented in bureaucracies. In addition, the interaction between women’s political representation and disability legislation is associated with improved employment outcomes for PWDs in the public sector, while comparable effects are weaker or absent in the private sector.

Corruption remains a persistent structural impediment to economic performance, undermining growth, distorting resource allocation, and weakening institutional trust. Identifying its key determinants is therefore essential for formulating effective anti-corruption strategies. This study empirically examines the roles of national leadership quality, the rule of law, information and communication technology (ICT), and education in shaping corruption outcomes, using an unbalanced panel of 136 countries over the period 2010–2023. A fixed-effects panel model with Driscoll-Kraay standard errors is employed to account for heteroskedasticity, serial correlation, and cross-sectional dependence. The results indicate that stronger leadership quality, greater ICT penetration, and a more effective rule of law significantly reduce corruption, whereas higher unemployment exacerbates it. Although education does not exert a direct effect on corruption, it plays an important moderating role by reinforcing the corruption-reducing impact of ICT. Likewise, leadership quality enhances the effectiveness of ICT and legal institutions in curbing corruption. Consistent with the principal-agent framework, these findings suggest that education and ICT help reduce information asymmetries and strengthen accountability. Overall, the study underscores the need for integrated anti-corruption policies that jointly promote leadership integrity, digitalization, and human capital development.

The 21st Century Assistive Technology Act in December 2022 reauthorized federal funding for state programs to spread awareness and provide assistive technology services to the public. This article analyzes the effectiveness of the act in the areas of equity, efficiency, and savings. The article uses comparative and textual analysis of the bill and its past iterations and descriptive statistical analysis of disability demographics and program data to conduct this analysis. The article finds that the act improves equity for certain groups with higher rates of disability yet leaves out other groups, achieves cost-efficiency across most states, and creates substantial cost savings for consumers. The act does address some gaps in assistive technology among older adult and veteran populations yet does not explicitly increase representation for gender, LGBT, rural, or other demographic groups with higher prevalence of disability. This article recommends that policymakers utilize demographic figures to improve the equity and efficiency of funding allocation, increase the representation of LGBT, rural, and other groups with higher disability prevalence within the design and implementation process, and remove states’ ability to opt out of providing certain activities such as financing to improve the effectiveness of the act and savings for individuals.

With the more pronounced infusion of artificial intelligence (AI) into public sector operations, there exist a host of ethical concerns that arise pertaining to how public sector organizations make decisions about workflow and the automation of processes, bureaucratic accountability, and sustaining democratic governance and transparency. Through the lens of institutional ethics, this article explores the morality of using AI as a tool in government and how an increased reliance on stronger AI approaches presents heightened ethical and practical blind spots that have significant ramifications for sustaining the public trust. In considering recent AI initiatives at the national level, we argue that pre-existing codes of ethics, which are framed around the theoretical genre of institutional ethics, must evolve coterminously as AI becomes more integrated as a tool in government. We explore trends for the two most recent presidential administrations, using the AI national strategies from both to focus upon two primary areas of consideration relating to institutional ethics: first involves the ethical considerations relating to work completion and processes that emerge from deeper and stronger integration of AI tools in public sector organizations; and second reflects upon bureaucratic accountability as AI tools change the nature of responsibility and decision-making.

Integrity has become a core value in the public sector. Nonetheless, crafting adequate integrity policies turns out to be a challenge for many public organizations. Conceptual unclarity and the requisite multiplicity of integrity policies are highlighted in this article. These challenges may also explain the sometimes-poor design of integrity policies. Research on integrity management systems provides insights and guidance to improve the quality and effectivity of these policies. Drawing from extant research, both formal criteria and core components of integrity management systems are synthesized and combined in the Integrity Management Development Model. theoretical insights and knowledge are translated into a practical and applicable model that can be used to assess and improve the quality of current integrity policies.

This article investigates the economic, social, and administrative implications of Morocco’s co-hosting of the 2030 FIFA World Cup alongside Spain and Portugal. While the tournament presents opportunities for economic transformation, such as increased tourism, foreign direct investment, and global visibility, it also entails substantial financial commitments that must be weighed against pressing national priorities. Using a scenario-based cost-benefit analysis, the paper evaluates potential outcomes under optimistic, baseline, and pessimistic assumptions, incorporating a 3% discount rate. Findings show that while benefits may outweigh costs under favorable conditions, fiscal risks are significant in pessimistic scenarios, especially if costs overrun or expected gains fall short. The analysis also contrasts World Cup expenditures with the country’s medium-term commitments to healthcare generalization, social protection, and post-earthquake reconstruction. Drawing on international comparisons, the study highlights the need for strategic planning, public-private partnerships, and a legacy-focused approach to ensure the tournament contributes to Morocco’s long-term development goals.

The intersection of energy justice and social entrepreneurship is best served by public investments in clean energy technologies. Although the aim of entrepreneurs and enterprises is important to the work of providing social benefit, vulnerable populations being able to access and benefit from innovation is equally as important. Assuring access and receiving benefits is not to be considered a natural byproduct of innovation and commercialization. It requires intentionality in substantive policy making, it does not go without saying. Michael Edwards explains that the public sphere is a place of deliberation where cultural inequality can be dismantled. The public sphere functions by connecting associational life (the voluntary assembling to achieve societal aims) and the good society (the kind of society in which we want to live). Examples of clean energy technology and imperatives in social justice outcomes demonstrate how public funding leads to public benefit, especially for vulnerable populations. Social justice, as occurs in energy justice, argues that vulnerable populations will benefit where public investments are involved. This vantage point examines how public investments in new technologies, particularly energy, spurs private investment in ways that have societal benefits, and how social entrepreneurship in the public sphere can advance social justice.

We consider how unregulated external actors who play a significant role in policy implementation challenge what we know about third party governance. We do this through the lens of collectives that support student athletes in monetizing their name, image, and likeness (NIL). State NIL policies lack clear lines of oversight for collectives, but institutions of higher education are not permitted to coordinate with them. We present evidence from interviews regarding the challenges this lack of regulation causes for compliance office administrators. We conclude with an argument that third-party governance researchers need to consider the role of actors that are not part of a hierarchical implementation structure.

International organizations promote integrity policies as tools to control corruption, particularly in systems where corruption is widespread. However, these policies often fail to produce measurable changes in traditional corruption indices. This article explores the paradox of anti-corruption efforts in environments characterized by systemic corruption, developing a framework to assess changes in corruption risks. Using a comparative case study of four Latin American countries—Uruguay, Chile, Honduras, and Mexico—the study examines how countries with stronger regulatory frameworks for integrity policies—like freedom of information, political financing restrictions, financial disclosure, and conflict of interest and lobbying regulations—affect corruption risks. It specifically addresses political parties, which are central to promoting integrity policies but are often entrenched in corrupt systems. The findings suggest that countries with strong institutional capacities are more likely to cultivate a culture of integrity within political parties, prioritizing transparency and effective corruption risk management, even in systemic corruption contexts. In contrast, weaker institutional frameworks yield limited results from these policies, highlighting the persistent challenges in addressing systemic corruption. This article contributes to both theory and practice by offering insights into the specific conditions under which integrity policies can foster meaningful change, even when traditional corruption measures remain unchanged.

Drawing on constructivist approaches, this article contributes to the debate on ideological discourses of (anti-)corruption. The text is inspired by the research of Blendi Kajsiu and focuses on the ideological discourses contained in textual production at different levels of Czech politics – party election manifestos, government policy statements and official governmental anti-corruption strategies. The aim of the analysis is to identify similarities and differences in how political actors formulate their ideas about (anti-)corruption in the electoral process, after gaining executive power and finally in the formulation of the foundations of anti-corruption policies contained in governmental anti-corruption strategies. Thus, the main research question asks whether there is consistency in the discourses carried by a given actor before the elections and after gaining a share of executive power. In the text, we argue that when governments are formed by parties reproducing a centrist or neoliberal discourse, they usually carry this discourse from their election manifestos into the government’s declaration and also into the government’s official anti-corruption strategy. On the contrary, in the case of populist discourse, this transfer has not happened even once, and populist discourse thus appears primarily as a strategy designed to appeal to the electorate.