From its origins, at the end of the 19th century, the representations on San Carlos de Bariloche were linked to European issues. The "Argentinian Switzerland" and the land of "European pioneers" became images that constituted hegemonic discourses about the city. These narratives constructed an identity of "barilochenses" that silenced the relevancy in the city of the flow of Latin-American migrants, integrated historically by Chileans and from the seventies by Bolivians and Paraguayans, among others. In this context, communities of migrants carried through a multiplicity of strategies, among which those related to their religious practices standed out, since they intended to achieve recognition and visibility in the city. In this paper we analyze the characteristics of the hegemonic discourse and its interpellation between 1970 and 2000. In the first case we will trace the devices that operated, during these years, to reinforce the imaginary one of an "European" Bariloche, where Latin-American communities are excluded from this construction. Secondly, we will analyze the strategies linked with religiousness implemented by these communities, in its relationship with Rio Negro church, to interpellate this discourse within the public sphere.

This article explores the “contact zones” between extreme right-wing militant groups in Argentina and Mexico, in terms of their shared intellectual and ideological trajectories, their discourses about “the enemy” (communism) and how they inscribed themselves within particular contexts of conflict during the Cold War. From a comparative perspective, the article deals with the political imaginaries and forms of political action that allowed the Tacuara groups in Argentina, and University Movement of Reformist Orientation (MURO) in Mexico, to play a role in the anticommunist crusades in their respective countries and in Latin America, between 1954 and 1972. Framed by their own particular battles, aspirations and contradictions, these political entities appeared as spaces for nationalist and counterrevolutionary militancy and action, branded by their national particularities, but also as symptoms of a novel conception of political and spiritual struggle against communism at a global scale.

Este dossier tiene por proposito colocar en perspectiva comparada a un conjunto de actores, ideas y politicas de America Latina en el periodo comprendido entre las decadas de 1950 y 1980. Es decir, comprende en buena medida aquella porcion del tiempo pasado que en muchos casos se identifica con la historia reciente, una definicion que es siempre mas teorica y politica que una precisa delimitacion cronologica. La intencion de incorporar tematicas latinoamericanas en clave comparada con Argentina forma parte de un esfuerzo mayor que ha venido haciendo Quinto Sol en los ultimos anos, para ampliar su circulacion fuera de sus primigenios ambitos de lectura e interlocucion, que primero fueron regionales y que desde hace un buen tiempo ya escapan a la escala nacional. El recurso a la historia comparada es un expediente reiteradamente reclamado en la historiografia, pero poco practicado. Las razones de ese infradesarrollo son varias: algunas mas comprensibles son las derivadas de las complicaciones que se presentan cuando se intenta investigar simultaneamente dos casos (y ni hablar si uno de ellos implica obtener fondos para desplazarse fuera del pais para visitar archivos). Tambien pueden surgir limitaciones cuando se trata de leer fuentes en una lengua que no es la materno, puesto que no se dispone en general de las mismas capacidades de critica, sensibilidad y profundidad analitica con que contamos en nuestro territorio idiomatico. Hay otras restricciones de naturaleza mas academica, derivadas del hecho de que este tipo de exploraciones no son alentadas en un gremio mucho mas devoto del estudio de las particularidades y los matices que de las tendencias generales, rastreables en varios casos.

Si se recorta la mirada a la esfera educativa (el aspecto que mas interesa en este articulo), se advierte que Roca intenta en su segundo gobierno un cambio drastico en el sistema de instruccion publica vigente, con el objeto de quebrar la funcion exclusivamente politica de la educacion y crear otro sistema a partir de los postulados alberdianos.

This paper examines the participation of the members of three catholic workers association -Circulo de Obreros de Cordoba, Asociacion Artesanos de San Jose and Sociedad Catolica Popular Italiana- to choose their authorities in Cordoba, Argentina during the first decades of the 20th Century. The study allows us to know that, besides, the indirect electoral system applied in the three cases, there are important differences which