This book attempts to develop an Islamic political philosophy of good governance grounded on Ihsan.The author defines Ihsan as a spiritual state that emphasizes love over law, ethics over politics, compassion over retribution, other-caring or self-annihilation (Fanaa) over identity or self-assertion and process (Islamic governance) over structure (Islamic state).He claims that this is the highest, most beautiful, most compassionate state and "an enlightened understanding of Islam," where the enlightenment is that of Kant (97).The argument is developed in three stages.Initially, in Chapters 2 and 3, he makes the case, in a very Orientalist and apologetic way, for the writing of the book by demonstrating that Muslims have lost Ihsan.After introducing Ihsan in Chapters 4 and 5, he focuses on political philosophy in Chapters 6 and 7.Chapter 2 aims to show the systematic exclusion of Ihsan in the development and application of Islamic law by presenting two cases.The first is about breaking one's fast during Ramadan through having sexual intercourse with one's spouse.Khan argues that the Prophetic practice that jurists refer to ends with forgiveness and even with charity shown to the man who breaks his fast.But "[e]very jurist" (20) only provides the first part, where the Prophet listed the compensations, and ignores the last part.The second case is about blasphemy against the Prophet.And, he claims that blasphemy laws and Muslim reactions to blasphemy are "completely un-Islamic" (26).His main example is the Asia Bibi case in which she, a Christian woman in Pakistan, is accused of insulting the Prophet, with a huge controversy arising as a consequence of this.Chapter 3 is about Muslim responses to modernity in relation to Islamic revivalism.Khan identifies four such responses: those of traditionalists, modernists, Islamists and secularists.The first three are "Islamic responses" (52) since Islam is central to their projects in one way or another.Among them, Khan champions modernists as they have "sought to demonstrate that Islam is not incompatible with science, modernity, democracy and human rights" and "are primarily concerned with the loss of the principal belief that Islam is a progressive religion" (49), while both traditionalists and Islamists miss the point and the realities of the world.However, he argues that despite the "excellent pathways" (59) prescribed by modernists, unfortunately, Islamists have had the most impact on contemporary Muslims.Hence, Khan holds Islamists responsible for the problems of Muslims; and their cardinal sin, he argues, is the reduction of Islam to a (political) identity
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