A myth, as a kind of universal collective illusion, persists for thousands of years and interfereswith the effort of people to live in a community and in syntony with their environment. The article studiesvarious psychological, sociological and political aspects of the role of mythical content in creatingand maintaining the concept of a nation. The myth of Serbian hero, Kraljević Marko, takes the centralplace in this analysis, as it is used as a case study, contextualized in determined socio-historical eventsand compared to other regional and European examples.

The subject matter of the present article is the position of Ludwig von Mises on nations andnationalism. It is argued that Mises’s stance evolved over time, and he ultimately did not propose afull-blown theory of these phenomena. Rather, as an economist and champion of liberalism, his mainfocus lay in explaining the economic roots of national conflict and designing an international orderthat could help resolve it. The paper commences with a reconstruction of Mises’s outlook on theconcepts of nation and nationalism. The next part deals with his theory of national conflict and waysof minimizing it: the notions of domestic laissez-faire liberalism, freedom of trade and migration,secession, and international organizations. Finally, several remarks are offered on the feasibility of theconceptions expounded by Mises.

The article considers democratic decentralization as an institution for improving the territorialorganization of government and the development of democracy in Ukraine. It is particularly focused onthe impact of decentralization on modern political processes. The heuristic potential of decentralizationas a policy tool is outlined. Therefore, it is important to realize how much local self-government hasimproved the efficiency of its work after decentralization and to monitor the dependence of the pace ofreform implementation on political factors. The transformation of the system of local self-governmentin the regions is uneven, characterized by the fragmentation of the structure of new administrativeterritorialformations. That is why, an urgent scientific task is to identify the factors and features ofchanges and development of the transformation of the territorial organization of power in order tojustify prospective ways of its improvement. The reform of the territorial organization of power, inthe context of decentralization, is one of the most successful in Ukraine. Unification of territorialcommunities is the first step, therefore, in order to solve further tasks assigned to the reform and itis necessary to apply qualitative scientific approach of political research. The concept of territorialorganization of power remains debatable in academic opinion and is more studied from the point ofview of law, sociology, the sphere of public administration, and socio-geographical scientific opinion,but is not sufficiently understood in political science. Therefore, there is a need to justify the content,functions, classification features and structural elements of the territorial organization of power. It isespecially important to investigate the current state of relations between the progressive and activecategory of the population and local self-government bodies, as well as to form recommendations forthe future of cooperation.

Abstract This article aims to analyze the Gezi Park social movement, which started in Istanbul in 2013 and spread all over Turkey in a short time, in the context of class dynamics. In this context, firstly, the adequacy of examining the Gezi Park movement within the scope of new social movements will Gezi Park analysis as an example of social movement be emphasized. Secondly, the study will attempt to establish an alternative critical approach based on class. With this approach, class dynamics of the Gezi Park movement will be sought under the titles of historicity, antagonism, and holism.

Abstract As one of the developing countries, Turkey’s demand for energy is increasing. This demand has led Turkey to the use of renewable energy sources after the 2000s. In this context, HEPPs (Hydro-electric Power Plants) have come to the fore in energy production. However, the widespread use of HEPPs has led to an increase in environmental problems. The problems experienced were protested by various social segments and created social opposition in the process. As a result of these protests and social opposition, an anti-HEPP social movement emerged in the context of environmentalism, which is a social movement in Turkey.

Abstract In the United States during the late 1820s, the labor movements formed that faced public accusations of being un-American and potentially puppets of European influence. These accusations often came from politicians or organizations sympathetic to ethnic nationalism. Partially in response to these charges, labor movements began to espouse versions of Creedal Nationalism. As a country without a natural nation, the United States has maintained for over two centuries two competing narratives within political ideologies concerning who should be allowed to be members of the American Nation. This paper presents research that continues to refine the history of Creedal Nationalism in the United States, a more precise construction of nation than the more ambiguous concept of civic nationalism. Specifically, the article is part of an effort to refine the usually vague and undocumented claims that social movements beginning in the late 1820s began using Creedal Nationalism to counter ethnic nationalism, using a mistaken or intentionally distorted interpretation of the Jeffersonian Creed of “all men are created equal”. While prominent uses by women’s and abolitionist movements are often cited (usually the same famous examples), the evidence of the use of Creedal Nationalism in public rhetoric by early labor associations is less documented. The ideological conflict between Creedal Nationalism and ethnic nationalism remains deeply embedded in American political culture and the political party system. The origins, development, and rhetoric of the category of Creedal Nationalism remain important for the framing of models of American political development and current political conflict.

Abstract The national football team represents the nation and speaks for it. The football team plays an important role in the reproduction of national identity and nationalism. It is also used as a tool of public diplomacy. The team is managed by the national football association, which is autonomous from the state authorities. Thanks to its dominant position, the national football association can impose its vision of the representation of the nation. However, the vision of the selector is not received passively. The composition of the national team – an important aspect of the team as a metonymy of the nation – is sometimes contested by the public, especially sports journalists or fans.

Abstract The election of superiors in the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church was one of the key elements in the religious policy of the communist authorities. The new superiors were expected to be full of loyalty and closely cooperate and support the social and political changes taking place. The rulers wanted the bishops and the Orthodox clergy to take full control. The way to do this was to influence the selection of a suitable candidate for the position of a metropolitan. The choice of a superior appointed by the authorities was to fully guarantee the realization of tasks important from the point of view of the multilateral activity of the state.

Abstract The paper analyzes the role of the national team of Spain denoted by the neologism La Roja in promoting patriotic sentiments and building national unity. In a 2014 study entitled Goles y banderas. Fútbol e identidades nacionales en España, Alejandro Quiroga Fernández de Soto argues that the successes of the team in 2008-2012 (Champions of Europe in Austria and Switzerland, World Champions in South Africa and again Champions of Europe in Poland and Ukraine), brought about a patriotic revival, while La Roja itself became an integrating factor which united the Spanish regardless of political differences and distinct identities. The assertion is highly debatable for two reasons: firstly, the resurgence of the national symbols was temporary and did not occur uniformly across the country, especially in Catalonia and the Basque Country; secondly, it would be more fitting to speak of journalistic patriotism rather than actual patriotic revival within the Spanish society. The paper critically assesses the patriotic discourse rooted in the successes of La Roja in 2008-2012. Their poor performance in the last major tournaments in 2014-2018 and absence of any particular euphoria surrounding the national team confirm that the wave of flags which swept the country in the successful period was not an expression of profound, patriotic renewal of national symbols. At most, it may be argued to have been a forced attempt to boost Spanish (centralist) nationalism in the face of the increasingly active peripheral nationalisms, especially its most radical, Catalan embodiment.

Abstract Migration processes affect the functioning mechanisms of many institutions and public spheres, on which the state create particular public policies. Migration policy is one of them. The success of its implementation depends on many factors, but institutional actors (officials) play a crucial role in this process. The decisions and projections of migrants with respect to extending their stay in Poland depend on the interpretation of legal, institutional and formal regulations. The aim of the article is to analyze the subjective experiences of Ukrainian economic migrants with Polish institutions and the personnel representing them. Our considerations have been located within the neo-institutional theory. We want to answer the question to what extent the official behaviour patterns of officials in migrant cases adopted as part of formal conditions allow thera to overcome to sense of uncertainty and foster adaptation processes. On the other hand, we would like to determine to what extent contacts of migrants with officials and institutions become a barrier that limits the possibilities of making migration decisions. Studying the subjective interpretations of migrants’ experience is an important element of analysis that will allow us to check how the elements of migration policy are implemented in ‘in action’. Considering the findings resulting from the study, it can be assumed that the functioning of efficient administration should not be limited only to compliance with legal rules, but to go beyond them within morally allowed limits, in order to increase the effectiveness of implemented activities ia many dimensions.