This study investigates how states use public diplomacy to defend their legitimacy following contested military actions. Focusing on Israel’s airstrike on the Al-Jalaa Tower during the 2021 Gaza conflict, the research examines how rhetorical strategies were employed to manage international criticism and sustain normative legitimacy. Unlike prior research that addresses entire conflicts, this study narrows its focus to a single high-profile event involving protected objects. Drawing on Ben D. Mor’s rhetorical defence framework, the study applies qualitative discourse and rhetorical analysis to a dataset of 57 official statements, including government press releases, speeches, media briefings, and verified social media posts issued within 5 months after the incident. Each statement was coded thematically into three rhetorical strategies, blame avoidance, blame imposition, and moral differentiation, and analysed across temporal distribution, source diversity, and target orientation. The findings reveal that Israel’s public diplomacy reflected a layered rhetorical defence dominated by blame avoidance and blame imposition, often deployed in tandem to deflect criticism, justify actions, and redirect moral responsibility towards Hamas and third-party critics. Moral differentiation served as reinforcement for Israel’s self-presentation as a rule-abiding democracy acting within legal and ethical bounds. The study concludes that in contested military action, public diplomacy functions less as a means of persuasion and more as a communicative mechanism for managing reputational risk and contesting narratives of legitimacy. By demonstrating how rhetorical strategies evolve and interact under normative pressure, the research contributes to a deeper understanding of the strategic role of wartime communication in asymmetric warfare and legitimacy management.

This paper conducts an in-depth study on how Ukraine changed the balance of military power in the Black Sea. It conceptualises the idea that the development of modern military technology has reached a level of maturity, providing a new perspective for the Jeune École concept. The paper uses the process tracing method to establish a timeline from Russian full blockade to Ukrainian sea denial. The battlefield application of anti-ship cruise missile (ASCM) in the early stages of the war created the necessary conditions for establishing sea denial, followed by the continued use of ASCM, aerial drones, and maritime drones to consolidate the initial successes. The international community observed Ukraine’s deployment of unmanned systems with great interest, heralding it as the dawn of a new era in naval warfare. However, when analysed in depth, it becomes clear that traditional weaponry played the decisive role in achieving sea denial initially. Only after the Russian Federation’s fleet had been forced from the coastal waters did naval drones begin to extend and solidify the denied area. The research further indicates that even a smaller state can produce significant strategic effects using anti-ship cruise missiles and swarming maritime drones—principles rooted in the historic Jeune École doctrine. Findings reveal that technological advances have significantly mitigated the traditional limitations of small platforms, especially in adverse conditions. As such, the combination of Jeune École’s asymmetric maritime strategy and modern unmanned systems offers a viable blueprint for smaller nations to challenge superior naval forces, dispute blockades, and achieve effective sea denial.

The recent and rapid growth of low-cost, sophisticated drones, along with the associated technological challenges, is a notable feature of warfare tactics. As the Russians and Ukrainians become more dependent on these cost-effective yet crude drones, they establish a new battlefield characterised by high efficacy and low cost. Both Russian and Ukrainian forces launch drones to target each other. Drones locate their targets, perhaps with low efficacy, but they can cause significant destruction. Drones can destroy and carbonise tanks, which cost about $4 million each. However, the unit price of drones does not exceed $1,000. The limitations and ineffectiveness of most anti-drone devices currently on the market, including lasers, high-power microwaves, and radio frequency jammers, are evident in the increasing ubiquity of drones. This case study suggests that current counter-drone technologies are unable to neutralise kamikaze and weaponised drones on both sides. As a result of these failures, Russian and Ukrainian forces employ new technologies, such as metal grids and nylon net barriers, which are effective in destroying and stopping drones to some extent. This article presents a case study involving the reliance on drones by both warring sides, who have also been utilising anti-drone tactics since February 2022. The work investigates the solutions currently available to both adversaries for reducing the impact of weaponised drones on the battlefield. This study evaluates them and demonstrates how their inherent drawbacks could motivate the development of new strategies and countermeasures against armed drones.

The radicalisation of young people leading to extremism is considered a serious security challenge in Europe. As the case of the foiled attack at the Taylor Swift concert in Vienna shows, this phenomenon can occur anywhere. In response to this challenge, Western European countries have developed a number of prevention projects targeting young people. This article presents and analyses the main educational initiatives implemented in France and Spain designed to reduce the risk of children and young people being radicalised and influenced by extremist ideologies. The data necessary for the preparation of this text were collected during study visits to France (Paris) and Spain (Madrid, Salamanca, Barcelona, and Malaga), which took place between 2020 and 2023. During the visits, we carried out numerous queries and in-depth interviews with French and Spanish experts dealing with the issues analysed. The article points out the importance of cooperation among state security institutions, the educational sector, and families at risk of radicalisation as well as the need for the coordination of various preventive measures. Due to the differences in the political systems of France and Spain, the former adopted a strategy of developing and implementing deradicalisation and prevention activities at the central level, while in Spain, preference was given to the regional and local levels for the execution of such projects.

The last decade has seen the most cases of political instability and internal security incidents among all the decades of the 20th and 21st centuries so far. This fact alone indicates a necessity to address the factors contributing to the phenomenon in a way prospectively usable in decision and policy-making procedures. An analysis methodology taking into consideration the factors contributing to such cases would be a valuable tool to achieve the above necessity. Consequently, the objective of this research is to specify these factors. The methodology used to determine these factors involves a case study of historical cases of internal state unrest and instability. Fifteen cases were selected for analysis at random, based on the data obtained from the Uppsala Conflict Data Programme. The cases selected were analysed based on the parties involved in the conflict, the conflict’s historical and political contexts, factors contributing to its occurrence according to relevant bibliography, actions taken by the rival groups, potential external involvement in the conflict, and other points of interest relevant to the study. The factors determined include the social entity’s relative size, denial of rights, information flow, geography, leadership, means of projecting power, environmental conditions, repression/freedom of action, and triggering event. The above factors were cross-referenced with different theories relevant to the subject under examination.

This paper aims to analyse the role of public intelligence as a strategic tool in modern conflicts, focusing on its use during the Russo- Ukrainian war. It employs a qualitative research design, combining comparative case analysis and document analysis to examine the role of public intelligence as a strategic tool in the Ukraine War. The primary data sources include declassified intelligence reports, official government statements, media coverage, and academic literature on intelligence disclosure and strategic communication. The findings of this study indicate that public intelligence disclosure in the Ukraine War has been highly effective in countering Russian disinformation and strengthening diplomatic cohesion among Western allies. Unlike previous conflicts, intelligence transparency played a crucial role in shaping global narratives and mobilising international support. However, its deterrence value remains uncertain, as intelligence disclosures did not prevent Russia’s full-scale invasion. The findings of this paper highlight how intelligence dissemination has shifted from classified circles to a public tool of strategic statecraft. The Ukraine War marked a departure from traditional intelligence practices, as the United States and the United Kingdom used real-time declassification to counter Russian disinformation, unify allies, and shape global opinion. This shift underscores both opportunities and limitations, as intelligence transparency did not deter Russia’s invasion. Public intelligence disclosures proved effective in neutralising misinformation and influencing diplomatic responses. Intelligence disclosure also had diplomatic ramifications. While it helped rally allies, initial scepticism from Germany and France revealed lingering distrust due to past intelligence failures.

This study investigates equality issues related to remote work, career development, and remote work agreements within the Finnish Defence Forces. A total of 868 employees participated in the study. A quantitative approach was used, and t-tests (n = 868) were conducted to assess statistically significant differences in experiences of equality concerning personnel promotion opportunities, job rotation opportunities, and the ability to accept work regardless of location as well as suitable remote work agreements. The comparison groups were hybrid workers versus on-site workers, soldiers versus civilians, and men versus women. The study found that the personnel do not generally think that on-site workers have better promotion opportunities than hybrid workers. Remote work was seen as promoting equal job rotation opportunities among personnel. Remote workers agreed with this opinion more than on-site workers, and the difference in opinion between both groups was highly significant. The majority of respondents, particularly hybrid workers, agreed that equality would be better achieved through individual agreements on remote work. However, on-site women workers was the only group with the opinion that strictly limited remote workdays promoted equality better than individual agreements. Hybrid workers were less supportive of the current limits, and significant differences were found between them and on-site workers. This study highlights the need for more flexible, individualised remote work policies to enhance workplace equality. The findings can inform the development of management strategies and remote work practices in organisations. Future research could explore the international and organisational variation of these effects and provide deeper insights into employees’ perceptions of equality in remote work environments by integrating qualitative and quantitative methods.

This paper critically examines the relationship between cybersecurity and Copenhagen School’s widening security theory, with the aim of assessing the possibility of applying this theoretical framework to the cyber realm. As cybersecurity is a relatively recent addition to the security discourse, this research explores whether the Copenhagen School’s traditional framework, which was primarily focused on securitisation processes in the five main sectors (military, political, economic, environmental, and societal), adequately encompasses the unique aspects and dynamics of cyber domain. The research question is: Why the cybersecurity field can’t become a separate constructivist sector? The study begins with a detailed overview of both cybersecurity landscape and Copenhagen School’s fundamental principles to provide the context for a comparative analysis of the Copenhagen theory and contemporary cybersecurity literature. In doing so, the research delves into the features of cybersecurity, with a focus on the evolving nature of cyber threats and vulnerabilities. By performing a qualitative analysis of the existing literature, the paper assesses the limitations of integrating these two concepts, ultimately concluding that cybersecurity lacks the distinct characteristics required to be considered a separate sector under the Copenhagen School’s framework. The findings contribute to the ongoing discussions regarding the adaptation of traditional security theories to address contemporary security challenges in the digital age.

This paper focuses on the principles and values that guide human behaviour as well as judgements about what is considered ethical. The objectives of this analysis are threefold: (1) to explore the role of morale as an essential dimension of combat power, (2) to identify perceptions and representations related to the importance of military morale in managing stress during wartime or on a field mission, and (3) to identify possible ways to improve the resilience of military personnel deployed on the battlefield within the organisational culture. This study adopts a mixed-methods approach, including qualitative methodologies to examine the role and impact of psychological training and self-confidence in military settings along with quantitative methodologies that include specific questions regarding demographics and military experiences. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with thirty-two military personnel with direct experience in missions, conflict zones, or theatres of operations. Soldiers’ perceptions, formed by their states of necessity and subjective character, contribute to satisfaction, shaping the scope of motivation, and confirming that soldiers’ morale directly influences their actions on the battlefield. Accomplishing a mission requires not only the precise definition of objectives and the provision of the necessary tools but also an appeal to factors that stimulate, raise awareness, and activate personnel. The findings reveal measures that can be taken to manage stress in combat, including subjective ones, deriving from the military’s confidence and conviction in the legitimacy of the cause and the justice of the war, group integration, personal beliefs and hopes as well as objective ones, such as external mass influences, the media or the states involved, which affect the security of the military. The results of the study emphasise the importance of the initial training of the military at individual and group levels, or under leadership of superiors, together with the solidarity of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and European Union member states in supporting the families of the military and improving their situation from various perspectives: economic, material, orale, civil protection, and child protection.

The main research objective of this paper is to identify key factors influencing economic resilience from the perspective of comprehensive defence. This involves developing a composite economic resilience index (Ericda) that outlines the relative economic resilience of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the Black Sea regions, within the comprehensive defence framework. The paper employs qualitative research methods, focusing on an analysis of specialist literature pertaining to economic resilience. Quantitative methods are also used for developing the Economic Resilience Index from the Comprehensive Approach to Defence (Ericda) perspective. This includes using data on selected resilience indicators in Central and the Eastern European and Black Sea region countries to generate rankings. The results of the study reveal strong positive correlations between the economic resilience index and various factors, such as logistics and infrastructure, economic complexity, foreign trade vulnerabilities and dependence, economic stability and development, governance effectiveness, military, and human capital. Additionally, a negative correlation was observed with the resilience index. The research findings suggest that to ensure effective comprehensive defence, isolated measures targeting individual pillars are inadequate. Economic resilience requires a collaborative approach, extending beyond the purview of the finance ministry and involving a broader range of stakeholders.