ABSTRACT This study examines how interracial couples understand and respond to police violence against Black Americans through cultural models, deeply held, often unconscious assumptions about society that guide interpretation and action. Through interviews with 34 members of Black-White couples, I apply a three-part typology of class inequality to analyze participants’ cultural models. Participants with an individual attributes model viewed racialized policing as connected to personal traits and life circumstances, corresponding with strategies that distanced them from police violence and minimized its relational impact. Those with an opportunity hoarding model viewed policing as connected to Black people’s exclusion from fair policing, corresponding with strategies to mitigate risks for Black partners while often imposing additional burdens on them and leaving White partners’ freedom unexamined. Participants with an exploitation/domination model viewed policing as connected to interdependent systems of racialized safety and vulnerability, corresponding with strategies that leveraged White partners’ position to counteract police threats faced by Black partners. This analysis aligns with research showing that the way people conceptualize the causes of inequality shapes their attitudes, behaviors, and expectations of others. These models help explain why some interracial interactions reproduce power inequities, even among people who acknowledge systemic racism and desire racial justice.

ABSTRACT Building on scholarship in global political economy, historical sociology, and environmental sociology, as well as emerging streams of research on militarization and climate change, we theorize about and successively investigate the short-run and long-run effects of two far-reaching characteristics of militarization on nations’ carbon emissions and the climate crisis in general. We contend that emergent and changing conditions associated with the capital-intensiveness and size of militaries shape path dependencies, which structure short-run and long-run effects on carbon pollution. To test our propositions, we estimate dynamic models of emissions for 104 nations from 1990 to 2020. Overall, the findings confirm our arguments. The short-run and long-run effects of the capital-intensiveness and size of militaries on carbon emissions are positive and nontrivial. Further, their estimated short-run and long-run effects are consistent across three distinct measures of carbon emissions, statistically symmetrical, robust to different modeling techniques, and not sensitive to any nations included in the analysis.

ABSTRACT Alliances across difference confer significant benefits to social movements and are among the most difficult coalitions to create and sustain over time. However, little coalition-building scholarship documents practices for acknowledging and ameliorating difference and inequality in social movements. Drawing on 24 interviews and more than four years of participant observation, I examine how the movement against the Line 3 pipeline worked to address inequalities across Indigenous-white lines of difference. The frame “follow Indigenous leadership” and accompanying practices encouraged activists to evaluate their privilege to determine the roles they should play; discouraged white domination of discussions, decision-making processes, and media coverage; and increased activists’ awareness of Indigenous political projects—in contrast to movements where privileged groups dominate leadership when joining in solidarity with a disadvantaged group. However, addressing inequalities is an ongoing process. Activists discussed questions and challenges around overly deferential behavior, intra-Indigenous heterogeneity, and tokenization. Few studies consider the tangible practices and processes involved in following those marginalized by intersecting oppressions, a goal of intersectional and climate justice movements. Movements such as these that aspire to cultivate justice within internal movement dynamics are on the rise, which makes studying the ongoing process of addressing inequalities in social movements increasingly important.

ABSTRACT Chinese immigrants in the United States have primarily relied on co-ethnic networks and formal labor market intermediaries to seek work in the ethnic economy, but online platforms have gained increasing significance. I conduct a qualitative content analysis of 145,986 job posts created between July 2019 and August 2022 for the restaurant and nail salon industry on a Chinese-language online platform, with a focus on the manifestation of gender roles. Advertisers communicate norms of masculinity and femininity through explicit requirements for gender, desired traits, and descriptions of working conditions. In the restaurant industry, a gendered division of space is imposed, requiring female workers for front-of-house positions and male workers for back-of-house positions, with a stoic and hardworking working-class masculinity emphasized for the latter. Nail salons that require more intimate customer interactions are more likely to explicitly require women, drawing on gender norms that hold women to higher standards of emotional labor and attention to detail. Salon advertisements often included information on the racial or socioeconomic makeup of the customer base or the salon’s neighborhood. The findings extend our understanding of digital labor market intermediaries in the ethnic labor market, as well as how symbolic boundaries of gender are transposed from offline to online contexts.

ABSTRACT Gentrification is a process of urban change that has wide-ranging social and political impacts, but previous studies provide divergent findings. Does gentrification leave residents feeling alienated, or does it bolster neighborhood social satisfaction? Politically, does urban change mobilize residents, or leave them disengaged? I assess a national, cross-sectional sample of about 17,500 respondents in lower-income urban neighborhoods, and use a structural equation modeling approach to model six latent variables pertaining to local social environment and political participation. Among the full sample, gentrification has a positive association with all six factors. However, this relationship depends upon respondents’ level of income, length of residency, and – most particularly – racial identity. White residents and those with shorter length of residency report higher levels of social satisfaction as gentrification increases, but there is a weaker association among racial minority groups and longer-term residents. This finding aligns with a perspective on gentrification as a racialized process and demonstrates that gentrification-related amenities primarily serve the interests of white residents and newcomers. All groups, however, are more likely to participate in neighborhood politics as gentrification increases, drawing attention to the agency of local residents as they attempt to influence processes of urban change.

ABSTRACT Theories of the U.S. carceral state often treat anti-Blackness as the disproportionate suffering of Black individuals across a range of measures instead of a distinct form of racial oppression that needs investigation. This article examines how anti-Blackness shapes the formal and informal ways that Black individuals are policed in their everyday lives. Drawing on 23 interviews with adults who identify as Black across the United States, I find that their spatial trajectories are altered by mundane forms of policing that extend beyond the criminal legal system. I offer the term punitive inertia to capture how Black spatial trajectories are policed and resisted. In physics, inertia describes how an object resists a force attempting to change its spatial trajectory. Similarly, punitive inertia describes how policing—underpinned by a history of racial slavery and colonialism—is the force Black individuals resist in attempts to control their own spatial trajectories. I argue that Black bodies are moving through an anti-Black modernity generating incessant moments of punitive inertia that call into question our very notions of Human and the Social as coherent categories. I conclude with a call for scholars to contend with anti-Blackness in further examinations of policing.

ABSTRACT Homelessness affects at least 25,000 people every day in Canada alone. Although research has documented responses to homelessness involving the police and private security, there is much less scholarship investigating municipal bylaw enforcement officers’ role in the governance of homelessness. We explore how bylaw officers regulate homelessness in Ontario, Canada. Drawing on surveys and semi-structured interviews with bylaw officers, our analysis demonstrates that bylaw officers have been called upon to manage a “crisis of complaints” related to the increasing visibility of homelessness across Ontario. To manage these complaints, bylaw officers rely on burden shuffling, first, moving people along because it is the most efficient way to manage homelessness complaints in their jurisdiction. Bylaw officers also engage in bureaucratic burden shuffling, reclassifying complaints to other agencies. We argue that, through their mechanisms of enforcing public space orders, bylaw officers engage in reluctant criminalization using invisibilization tactics. These strategies constitute another form of pervasive penality, or a punitive process of policing, through move along orders and threats of arrest, ultimately leading to the invisibilization of homelessness. Such responses increase the precarity that often characterizes unhoused people’s lives and misrepresents homelessness as a deviancy issue rather than a human rights violation.

Although Iranian social sciences in recent years have opened a new chapter on the study of subordination and addressed this subject, but few studies in this field have addressed the mechanism of subordination.In this article, through an ethnographic field study, we seek to study the status of urban subalterns (informal labor forces) in Sanandaj and its suburbs in order to show a corner of the mechanism of falling into the subordination status and how to face this mechanism.We have also sought to formulate a concept that would explain the situation of the subordinate citizens of Sanandji and especially the informal labor force.Data collection has been done based on field research techniques including observations, conversations and participation or presence in daily life and library studies.Our conceptual lens is based on the concepts of Assef Bayat, Michel Foucault, Mbembe and Standing.This study shows that the subjugation mechanism has fueled citizens to fall into the abyss of subjugation and peripheralization through widespread dispossession of citizens in the form of historical/ economic and social policies and programs.This research shows how the generation of biopower encourages the subjugation of citizens and how it threatens the life and work of the workforce even in the informal sector.

The current research was conducted with the aim of how to build professional identity among teachers in Yazd city.Professional identity is the interpretative framework and professional self-concept of teachers about themselves, which arises from their interaction with various conditions and contexts.In order to carry out this research and obtain the participants' interpretations and generate theory, we used grand theory as one of the qualitative and interpretive methods.The participants in this research included 20 teachers of Yazd city of different ages, genders and educational levels, with whom in-depth interviews of 120-180 minutes were conducted.Then, the collected information was categorized and presented using open, central and selective coding methods.The results of the research related to how to build the professional identity of teachers were extracted in the form of "fragmented identity" category, which is a metaphor for the declining state of teachers' professional identity.And it is obtained from the construction of three sub-categories (teachers' economic inferiority, instrumental identity and weakening identity).Various causal, contextual and intervening conditions in macro-economic, political and social systems have been effective in shaping and strengthening this type of identity.Some of them include the economic degradation of the educational institution, livelihood bottlenecks, value/ normative changes, social ignorance of the professional nature of teaching, etc.In response to their identity situation, the participants have used strategies of silent resistance, protest, self-censorship, and creating opportunities.And the consequences of their identity situation are the reduction of teachers' social capital, professional alienation, reduced participation, etc.

ABSTRACT Since the 1960s, trans people in the United States have been petitioning courts for name changes and sex marker corrections. If, under English common law everyone has the right to change their name at will without legal procedure by simply adopting a new name, why do trans people bother to change their names through formal legal procedures? This article investigates that question through interviews with trans people around the United States who had legally changed their name as well as lawyers and advocates who assisted trans people in this process, many of whom were trans-identified. Participants reported that without a legal name change, trans people face regular challenges to their dignity. Therefore, I argue that legal name changes are a gateway to dignity by assisting trans people with establishing self-worth and facilitating respectful interactions. While participants stressed that everyone should be entitled to have their chosen name respected, when that dignity is not extended, law can be a powerful tool. Court orders reflecting a name change communicate with the force of law what is the correct name for a person.