Research on conspiracy theories has proliferated since 2016, in part due to the US election of President Trump, the COVID-19 pandemic, and increasingly threatening environmental conditions. In the rush to publication given these concerning social consequences, researchers have increasingly treated as definitive a 2016 paper by Michael Wood (Political Psychology, 37(5), 695–705, 2016) that concludes that the phrase “conspiracy theory” has no negative effect upon people’s willingness to endorse a claim. We revisit Wood’s findings and its (re)uptake in the recent literature. Is the label “conspiracy theory” a pejorative? If so, does it sway or affect people’s belief in specific claims of conspiracy (i.e. particular conspiracy theories), or is the effect one that concerns claims of conspiracy more generally (i.e. all conspiracy theories)? Through an examination of the conceptual and methodological scope of Wood’s work and the results of our similar quasi-experimental design, we argue that it is premature to suggest the label “conspiracy theory” has no impact on the believability of a claim, or that it has no rhetorical power.

The article shows, first, how Sociology has approached the concepts of “hope” and “war” and how throughout the history of the discipline these terms have gone from being neglected to arousing considerable interest. Second, the paper analyzes how and why avant-garde artists understood the First World War as a motif of utopian hope to annihilate a civilization in crisis and to transform it through its aesthetic formalization. Third, the essay tries to find out whether that hope was preserved over time or, on the contrary, was soon dissolved as a result of the drama of the events. It is shown here that the savagery of the fighting dissolved all European values of modernity and progress, including artistic ones. In fact, theoretical and stylistic conceptions, aesthetic categories, ethical postulates, and artists’ aspirations for conscience to rule the world were blurred. For the artistic avant-garde, utopian promises of a better world broke down. Consequently, this obliges sociologists to pay more attention to both phenomena—that of the war and that of the avant-garde—and to seek a more objective and critical interpretation of modernity, calling for its actualization, and of Sociology itself.

Serengeti National Park, considered one of the most famous and significant wildlife reserves globally, where natural beauty and unparalleled scientific value converge, is experiencing a decline in habitat quality year after year. Despite the natural wealth within the Serengeti, various issues threaten wildlife species and habitats. These problems include the rapid growth of the human population, poverty, illegal hunting, and the drying up of the Mara River due to climate change. The international community has authorized the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) to develop ideas for conservation efforts. The organization illustrates how biodiversity is fundamental in addressing some of the world’s most significant challenges, such as tackling climate change, achieving sustainable energy, improving human well-being, and building a green economy. The study aims to narrate the IUCN’s role in executing environmental protection processes, intending to ensure that environmental goals hold the same importance as social goals through sustainable development. This study employs a qualitative approach, utilizing provided facts to create a detailed account of an incident. Additionally, secondary data is incorporated, involving the use of existing information. The results indicate that, despite various actions taken by the IUCN, the organization has not maximally resolved issues in the Serengeti, and several problems are still ongoing.

In this paper, I reflect on the contribution of Ghanaian nationalist women towards the independence struggle and post-independence nation building (1950–1970), and their erasure from the mainstream history of Ghana. I rely on the literature on women’s political participation in Ghana and the scholarship on memorializing people for meritorious service in Ghana to explore women as victims of historical erasure. I also deploy other sources like the national currencies, commemorative dates, and naming of monuments to highlight the relative weight we attach to women’s and men’s political contribution to nation building. I argue that despite women’s frontal roles, including movement making, organizing prowess, founding parties, leading civil disruptions, and even funding the independence of Ghana, state-led commemorative acts and memorializing practices belie women’s effort and historize men as founders of Ghana. Such de-historizing is often endorsed by male-led political regimes. To ameliorate this masculinization of the memorializing concern, the paper proffers guidelines to enable a fairer memorializing practice. This includes acknowledging the gender biases in our memorializing practices, researching the unnamed leading women, making their information mainstream, renaming our already named monuments to include leading women, and embossing their portraits on our national currencies alongside the men.