Beginning from reference to Lefebvre's spatiology, in this article the author elaborates how political and social space disappeared in and with neoliberalism and post-modernity. Both discourses appear through the image of the Piraeus as the commercial city and therefore, in contrast to the city of Athens, the Agora and polis proper. Real space, the representation of space as well as spaces of representation in these cases emerge as post-politics. In the second part, turning to twenty-first century's perspective, horizō - as the act of division and separation - is presented as the first condition for recognition of otherness and difference and, further, for the creation of a multitude in opposition to totality. In order, however, for the transition from conflict to dialogue to occur, the concept of infinity is disclosed as necessary as the demand for justice from which existence in togetherness becomes possible. Finally, this is exemplified in Serb topoi as a potentiality of polis in contemporary Europe.

The author of the paper explores Svetozar Marković’s place in the culture of remembrance among the Serbs, with a special overview of institutional and monumental forms preserving and shaping his historical and symbolic significance. One of the most prominent persons of the Serbian socialist thought and democratic tradition of the 19th century, Marković has become an important and permanent symbol of social engagement, enlightenment and the idea of social justice. Numerous institutions in Serbia have been named after him – from educational and cultural institutions, such as the University Library “Svetozar Marković” in Belgrade, to the town of Svetozarevo (today’s Jagodina) – which proves the breadth and permanence of his place in collective memory. Svetozar Marković’s bust in front of the University Library in Belgrade stands as a symbol of academic and ideological tradition established by him. Starting from the theoretical postulates of the culture of remembrance, this paper will show that Marković’s person has been an object of different ideological interpretations ion the public discourse, depending on the historical context.

Different intellectual traditions and periods have interpreted Svetozar Marković's work in completely different ways. According to the majority of authors, Marković ranks among social utopians whose thought was crucially influenced by Russian populism. Certain theoreticians look at him as a founder of particular Balkan socialism, while others consider his work close to Marxism or even anarchism. Furthermore, in the intellectual public there is no consensus about whether Marković's thought is rational and progressive, or irrational and anti-modernist. While most authors believe that Marković was a progressive thinker, some of them, particularly those from the circle of modern Serbian liberals, believe that his thought is anti-modernist. The main goal of this paper is to establish what type of Socialism was "preached" by Svetozar Marković and whether he can be ranked among progressive intellectual forces. That is why Marković's worldview has been compared with the theoretical postulates of Marx, Chernyshevsky, Bakunin and Proudhon, the most significant socialists in the period 1840-1890. The main conclusion of this paper is that Svetozar Marković was a progressive thinker and that he should be considered a libertarian multilinear Marxist with revisionist tendencies or a syntheticist of Marxism and Russian populism.

The book deals with the topic of quantophrenia, a growing and finally prevailing practice of the quantification of social sciences through counting papers and, on that basis, measuring their influence via scientific indices, which further creates the need for publishing as many papers as possible in adequate places, while the content quality of those papers falls into the background - the quantity of scientific papers is imposed as quality. 

This paper investigates the phenomenon of pro-environmental crime from both criminal law and criminological perspectives. The first part discusses the concept and basic characteristics of pro-environmental crime. In the second part, various criminal law institutions are examined in relation to pro-environmental crimes. The third part focuses on the etiological and phenomenological aspects of pro-environmental crime, including a large number of criminological and sociological theories that we tried to use to explain the crime concerned. Notably, we highlight the types of objects involved in the act of committing pro-environmental crimes, the way of prescribing such criminal offences, the legal classifications of such offences, the differentiation of pro-environmental offences based on their level of social danger, and the nature of their goals, techniques, and strategies. The paper also addresses the vigilant aspects of radical eco-activism, modern/cyber forms of pro-environmental crime, and the necessity of expanding green criminology to encompass pro-environmental crimes.

In October 2024, the formalization of Serbia's relations with BRICS practically began. Although Serbia is deeply integrated into the structures of the collective West, which is reflected in its domestic policy, the formalization of relations with BRICS has specific weight due to its further foreign policy positioning. Namely, Serbia bases its neutrality not on domestic, but on foreign policy, and in this context, BRICS represents a desirable partner. The aim of the research is to examine the reasons for Serbia's rapprochement with BRICS, as well as the possibilities of further cooperation. The research is based on the theory of realism (proving the use of the principle of self-help), and the methodological framework is based on the methods of discourse analysis, case study and synthesis.

The main aim of the research is to examine the presence of religious elements in the statutes of political parties in Serbia. The hypothesis is that certain parties, even if they do not appear to have a religious orientation, contain religious elements in their statutes and thus send certain religious messages to their voters. To examine this, an analysis of the content of 115 statutes of political parties in Serbia was conducted. The results show the presence of religious elements in 79.1% of the analyzed statutes. Some parties favour one specific religious community (most often the Serbian Orthodox Church). Namely, political parties in Serbia utilize religion in their statutes as an instrument for constructing and maintaining collective identity, as well as legitimizing their political objectives.

This study examines the representation of family values within the context of women's blogging in Russia and Serbia. Methodologically, the study employs content analysis, a phenomenological approach, and an axiological framework for interpreting blogging narratives. It is posited that the frequency of a blogger's engagement with specific thematic domains in text posts, videos can be conceptualized as an empirical indicator of their dominant value orientations. Key values identified in the women's blogs include: Children, Joint family travel, Joint family celebrations, Household management, etc. It is noted that these values are typically not explicitly labelled within the narrative but are present implicitly. Significant similarities were found in the coverage of family themes across the Russian and Serbian blogospheres.

Contemporary open societies are characterised by pluralism, indicating differences in values and practices. Religiosity and civic engagement are intertwined in various ways, with processes changing across the Balkans and Southern Europe. Accordingly, in this study, we present the results of a survey that explores different relationships between (a) socio-demographic variables, (b) types of prayer engaged in by people, and (c) civic engagement in Serbia (the Balkans) and Malta (Southern Europe). Questionnaires with the same content were distributed in Malta (in English) and in Serbia (in Serbian). Our analysis reveals both similarities and differences relating to the following two main patterns: (1) all types of prayer correlated significantly with civic engagement behaviour in both countries; and (2) the frequency of prayer types, and the correlations between specific prayer types and civic engagement behaviour, ranked differently in both countries. Our discussion focuses on the implications of these patterns for open societies and intercultural dialogue.

The article does not contain abstract.