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Refugee camps are generally conceived as an indication of ongoing conflict. As refugee generating conflicts become increasingly complex and protracted, however, camps become sites of post-conflict reconstruction. This has been the experience for the Bhutanese refugees who have lived in camps for close to thirty years, and are subject to numerous efforts to reconstruct their lives, community and economy. The international organizations that fund and manage the camps have directed their attention to the society of victims, rather than the state that perpetrated the crimes. Yet because the population lacks citizenship and their camps exist within another post-conflict state, these reconstruction efforts have contributed to corruption and exploitation. This article highlights that when post-conflict reconstruction is used to transform populations rather than states, these efforts may foster corruption because they allow the original perpetrating state to act with impunity.

The literature on male imprisonment consistently reveals a particular form of hegemonic masculinity based on competition, dominance and violence, actual or threatened. This article seeks to examine this standard view via the experience of republican politically motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland. It finds evidence of elements of hegemonic masculinity as in other prisons, but alongside this there was an alternative form of hegemonic masculinity, one based on the ability to endure rather than inflict violence. The article also examines the way in which homosociality – male fraternity without homosexual desire – was an integral part of the prison experience and was enhanced by the solidarity among the prisoners; this solidarity was based on both initial political ideology and the collective resistance against the prison system's attempts to break their solidarity. Finally, it also examines the space for emotions and emotional support in the difficult circumstances of violence inflicted by prison officers, an extended “blanket protest” and a harrowing hunger strike.

This article argues that Israel's occupation of Palestinian territory represents criminalized state behaviour at the most systematic, intricately planned and executed. Evoking the quantum physics of Israel's matrix of control, the article argues that to understand how it feels to live as a Palestinian today requires the mindset of a particle physicist, not a social scientist. Life in Israel/Palestine involves negotiating a host of forces over which the average Palestinian has as much control as the average electron or proton does over the nuclear and quantum forces determining its path. The power embodied in Israel's matrix of control lies in the state's ability to shift rules, tactics, amplitude and frequency of the forces, strategies and techniques and technologies of occupation. The article argues that the Occupation and the conditions it creates have become normalized, and that maintaining a situation of confusion and ambiguity is key to making the Occupation effectively permanent.

This article evaluates the relevance and viability of holding corporate agents accountable under the Rome Statute for their role in international crimes. The legal analysis focuses on two modes of liability: contribution liability under article 25 (3) (d) (ii) and superior responsibility under article 28 (b). Three case studies will assess the potential individual criminal liability of corporate officials in relation to situations currently either under investigation or preliminary examination by the Prosecutor, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Palestine, and Honduras. The article aims to advance insights into how the involvement of corporate actors in international crimes can and ought to be an integral part of the legal and factual analysis of international crimes.

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The claims that any civil society organization (CSO) must make to be able to censure states and corporations effectively require a degree of credibility in the eyes of those sections of society that it hopes to influence. Taking the example of the CSO reaction to toxic waste dumping in Ivory Coast, this article seeks to problematize the role of civil society in censuring and controlling crimes committed by governments and corporations. Domestic Ivorian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) were discovered to have little capacity to expose, control, constrain or sanction large-scale state-corporate crime, and the newly created victims' organizations — claiming to be genuine CSOs — became involved in the “commodification of victimhood” for profit.