There have been lots of rumours and some suspicion, and perhaps even more ideologically motivated propaganda, in relation to connections between the Basque militant organisation ETA (Euskadi ‘ta Askatasuna, Basque Country and Freedom) and the predominantly Northern Irish Provisional IRA (Irish Republican Army). And yet, apart from a few semi-official meetings and ritualised expressions of solidarity, usually at Sinn Féin or Batasuna party events, not much is properly known about the relations between the two radical military formations and their political sister organisations. The same could be said about the wider social, political, and cultural contexts, including some of the more specific historical constellations and challenges which provided the rationale for the existence of such radicalised movements (however overdrawn and questionable the justifications of their own existence sometimes appeared). The knowledge gap is even more surprising given that the two militant, self-declared vanguards and their actions are associated with two of the longest lasting conflicts in Western Europe: one grounded in the quest for Basque independence from Spain (and France; plus aiming at a union or some form of federation between the Basque Country and Navarre); the other one related to Northern Ireland and whether it should remain associated with the UK or become part of the Republic of Ireland.

State of Nationalism Review Article on Nationalism and Climate Change

In Romanian media, Szeklerland — a region in Central Romania with an ethnic Hungarian majority – is often evoked as a troublesome part of the country, where Romanians are discriminated against and Hungarian separatism undermines the authority of the state. This representation has endured since the fall of Communism in 1989, even though — unlike in other regions of Europe — the local Hungarian autonomist movement has always relied on peaceful means. The mainstream Romanian discourse, with its focus on the political efforts of Hungarian parties, the symbolic rivalry between Hungarian and Romanian elites, and the fight for economic resources has largely been unchanged. This conflict-oriented perspective makes for a skewed and ethnicized representation of Szeklerland, portrayed as an ‘intolerant region’. While the region witnessed only a minor Hungarian–Romanian conflict in March 1990, the topics of instability and constant tension pervaded the media discourse regarding Szeklerland during the 1990s. Even though the dominant nationalist discourse has become less virulent, this pattern has persisted with the advent of digital and new media formats. Many contemporary representations of Szeklerland on commercial television and social media platforms keep reproducing the stereotypes inherited from the 1990s. This article is based on a historical approach, and, through the analysis of several recent Romanian short documentary films about the Szekler area, highlights the reproduction of the region’s imagery and the most common strategies that feed this polarizing representation.

Miroslav Hroch has recently celebrated his 90th birthday. A reason for SNM to ask this pioneer and elder statesman in the comparative study of national movements for a brief interview. The questions and answers were exchanged by e-mail in late 2022/early 2023 in a mixture of English and German.

As a homage to Miroslav Hroch (who turned 90 in 2022), the editorial board of SNM has decided to republish Hroch’s article dedicated to the subject of ‘National Romanticism’ (published by Central European University Press in 2007), thereby promoting readers (as Hroch has stated too in the interview conducted with him) to go beyond his influential work Social Preconditions and also pay attention to his later work which further developed and nuanced his earlier research.

Ludger Mees ed., Héroes y Villanos de la Patria. Tecnos, Madrid, 2020. 416 pp. ISBN 9788430979332

How should the history of Black Americans be included in the physical landscape and memorialised? What new visual vocabularies are needed to expand the idea of the nation? Nona Faustine’s White Shoes series (begun in 2012) provides a compelling counternarrative to stereotypical and racist representations of Black Americans in public spaces. With her body, Faustine explores the links between colonialism, racism, and capitalism that continues to be celebrated in public monuments in the United States. Her works invite viewers to participate in and interact with the built environment in new ways that acknowledge these public spaces as sites of nationalism intimately connected to the history of US racism – slave labour, Jim Crow, and police violence. In White Shoes, Nona Faustine contests dominant and entrenched national myths through the materiality of her body – her Black body. Her interventions in public space re-inscribe a neglected history onto the urban landscapes of New York City. Faustine’s work challenges white patriarchal dominance through mediated images of Black bodies by creating presence where there is absence.

When comparing Basque and Catalan nationalism, research has often focused the very visible ideological and political differences between the two movements. This paper puts forward an alternative perspective, grounded in the comparative analysis of the discourse produced by the Catalan Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) during the 1930s. Its main argument is that these two parties led parallel and essentially similar nation-building processes directly linked to the achievement of home rule and the establishment of national institutions. The article also addresses how these processes were affected by the different Basque and Catalan political contexts, and by the final challenge posed by the Spanish Civil War.

University of Stirling. It was intended to create a publicly accessible archival research repository to support the division's research relating to devolution within Scotland -with emphasis on the referenda of 1979 and 1997 -and the campaign for a Scottish Parliament. 1

Until the 1970s, nationalism studies were almost exclusively about men: male intellectuals and politicians who defined the nation for the public, and male revolutionaries or soldiers who attained and protected the nation, often claiming full political citizenship in return for their services. However, the fact of their gender and the connection between national and masculine identities was hardly acknowledged, much less interrogated until the 1980s. Ironically, seeing men as men was largely the result of asking where the women were.