Wearing face masks in public has become the norm in many countries post-2020. Although mask-wearing is effective in controlling infection, it has the negative side effect of occluding the mask wearer’s facial expressions. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of wearing transparent masks on the perception of facial expressions. Participants were required to categorize the perceived facial emotion of female (Experiment 1) and male (Experiment 2) faces with different facial expressions and to rate the perceived emotion intensity of the faces. Based on the group, the participants were assigned to, the faces were presented with a surgical mask, a transparent mask, or without a mask. The results showed that wearing a surgical mask impaired the performance of reading facial expressions, both with respect to recognition and perceived intensity of facial emotions. Specifically, the impairments were robustly observed in fear and happy faces for emotion recognition, and in happy faces for perceived intensity of emotion in Experiments 1 and 2. However, the impairments were moderated by wearing a transparent mask instead of a surgical mask. During the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the transparent mask can be used in a range of situations where face-to-face communication is important.

To reduce the spread of COVID-19, mask wearing has become ubiquitous in much of the world. We studied the extent to which masks impair emotion recognition and dampen the perceived intensity of facial expressions by naturalistically inducing positive, neutral, and negative emotions in individuals while they were masked and unmasked. Two groups of online participants rated the emotional intensity of each presented image. One group rated full faces (N=104); the other (N=102) rated cropped images where only the upper face was visible. We found that masks impaired the recognition of and rated intensity of positive emotions. This happened even when the faces were cropped and the lower part of the face was not visible. Masks may thus reduce positive emotion and/or expressivity of positive emotion. However, perception of negativity was unaffected by masking, perhaps because unlike positive emotions like happiness which are signaled more in the mouth, negative emotions like anger rely more on the upper face.

In computer-mediated communication, emoticons are conventionally rendered in yellow. Previous studies demonstrated that colors evoke certain affective meanings, and face color modulates perceived emotion. We investigated whether color variation affects the recognition of emoticon expressions. Japanese participants were presented with emoticons depicting four basic emotions (Happy, Sad, Angry, Surprised) and a Neutral expression, each rendered in eight colors. Four conditions (E1–E4) were employed in the lab-based experiment; E5, with an additional participant sample, was an online replication of the critical E4. In E1, colored emoticons were categorized in a 5AFC task. In E2–E5, stimulus affective meaning was assessed using visual scales with anchors corresponding to each emotion. The conditions varied in stimulus arrays: E2: light gray emoticons; E3: colored circles; E4 and E5: colored emoticons. The affective meaning of Angry and Sad emoticons was found to be stronger when conferred in warm and cool colors, respectively, the pattern highly consistent between E4 and E5. The affective meaning of colored emoticons is regressed to that of achromatic expression counterparts and decontextualized color. The findings provide evidence that affective congruency of the emoticon expression and the color it is rendered in facilitates recognition of the depicted emotion, augmenting the conveyed emotional message.

Recent studies claim that estimating the magnitude of the spatial and temporal aspects of one's self-motion shows similar characteristics, suggesting shared processing mechanisms between these two dimensions. While the estimation of other magnitude dimensions, such as size, number, and duration, exhibits negative aftereffects after prolonged exposure to the stimulus, it remains to be elucidated whether this could occur similarly in the estimation of the distance travelled and time elapsed during one's self-motion. We sought to fill this gap by examining the effects of adaptation on distance and time estimation using a virtual navigation task. We found that a negative aftereffect occurred in the distance reproduction task after repeated exposure to self-motion with a fixed travel distance. No such aftereffect occurred in the time reproduction task after repeated exposure to self-motion with a fixed elapsed time. Further, the aftereffect in distance reproduction occurred only when the distance of the adapting stimulus was fixed, suggesting that it did not reflect adaptation to time, which varied with distance. The estimation of spatial and temporal aspects of self-motion is thus processed by partially separable mechanisms, with the distance estimation being similar to the estimation of other magnitude dimensions.

Fashion stylists advise clothing colours according to personal categories that depend on skin, hair and eye colour. These categories are not defined scientifically, and advised colours are inconsistent. Such caveats may explain the lack of formal tests of clothing colour aesthetics. We assessed whether observers preferred clothing colours that are linked to variation in melanin levels among White women. For this, we presented 12 women's faces: six with fair skin (relatively lower in melanin) and six with tanned skin (relatively higher in melanin). Across two experiments, observers (N = 96 and 75) selected the colour (hue and saturation or hue and value) of simulated clothing that most suited the skin tone of each face. Observers showed strong preferences for red and blue hues, and in addition favoured ‘cool’ blue hues to match fair skin and ‘warm’ orange/red hues to match tanned skin. This finding suggests that skin tone can determine colour preferences for clothes.

In the early 19th century, William H. Wollaston impressed the Royal Society ofLondon with engravings of portraits. He manipulated facial features, such as thenose, and thereby dramatically changed the perceived gaze direction, althoughthe eye region with iris and eye socket had remained unaltered. This Wollastonillusion can be thought of as head orientation attracting perceived gazedirection when the eye region is unchanged. In naturalistic viewing, the eyeregion changes with head orientation and typically produces a repulsion effect.Here we explore if there is a flip side to the illusion. Does the gaze directionalso alter the perceived direction of the head? We used copies of the originaldrawings and a computer-rendered avatar as stimuli. Gaze direction does indeedalter perceived head orientation. Perceived head orientation is biased towardthe direction of gaze.

A previous study reported the unique finding that people tapping a beat pattern with theright hand produce larger negative synchronization error than when tapping with the lefthand or other effectors, in contrast to previous studies that have shown that the handstap patterns simultaneously without any synchronization errors. We examined whether theinter-hand difference in synchronization error occurred due to handedness or to aspecificity of the beat pattern employed in that study. Two experiments manipulated thehand–beat assignments. A comparison between the identical beat to the pacing signal and abeat with a longer interval excluded the handedness hypothesis and demonstrated that beatpatterns with relatively shorter intervals were tapped earlier (Experiment 1). Thesesynchronization errors were not local but occurred consistently throughout the beatpatterns. Experiment 2 excluded alternative explanations. These results indicate that theapparent inconsistency in previous studies was due to the specificity of the beatpatterns, suggesting that a beat pattern with a relatively shorter interval between handsis tapped earlier than beats with longer intervals. Our finding that the bimanual tappingof different beat patterns produced different synchronization errors suggests that thenotion of a central timing system may need to be revised.

Although emotional audiovisual integration has been investigated previously, whether emotional audiovisual integration is affected by the spatial allocation of visual attention is currently unknown. To examine this question, a variant of the exogenous spatial cueing paradigm was adopted, in which stimuli varying by facial expressions and nonverbal affective prosody were used to express six basic emotions (happiness, anger, disgust, sadness, fear, surprise) via a visual, an auditory, or an audiovisual modality. The emotional stimuli were preceded by an unpredictive cue that was used to attract participants’ visual attention. The results showed significantly higher accuracy and quicker response times in response to bimodal audiovisual stimuli than to unimodal visual or auditory stimuli for emotional perception under both valid and invalid cue conditions. The auditory facilitation effect was stronger than the visual facilitation effect under exogenous attention for the six emotions tested. Larger auditory enhancement was induced when the target was presented at the expected location than at the unexpected location. For emotional perception, happiness shared the biggest auditory enhancement among all six emotions. However, the influence of exogenous cueing effect on emotional perception seemed to be absent.

When observers view a perceptually bistable stimulus, their perception changes stochastically. Various studies have shown across-observer correlations in the percept durations for different bistable stimuli including binocular rivalry stimuli and bistable moving plaids. Previous work on binocular rivalry posits that neural inhibition in the visual hierarchy is a factor involved in the perceptual fluctuations in that paradigm. Here, in order to investigate whether between-observer variability in cortical inhibition underlies correlated percept durations between binocular rivalry and bistable moving plaid perception, we used center-surround suppression as a behavioral measure of cortical inhibition. We recruited 217 participants in a test battery that included bistable perception paradigms as well as a center-surround suppression paradigm. While we were able to successfully replicate the correlations between binocular rivalry and bistable moving plaid perception, we did not find a correlation between center-surround suppression strength and percept durations for any form of bistable perception. Moreover, the results from a mediation analysis indicate that center-surround suppression is not the mediating factor in the correlation between binocular rivalry and bistable moving plaids. These results do not support the idea that cortical inhibition can explain the between-observer correlation in mean percept duration between binocular rivalry and bistable moving plaid perception.

When a Möbius loop is cut along the middle of the band, the result is a single connected loop, yet anecdotal evidence from science demonstrations and the use of this effect in magic tricks suggest that most people are thoroughly surprised by this because they strongly believe that the result should be two separate loops. Here, we present results from a behavioral experiment confirming this anecdotal evidence and discuss potential theoretical explanations for why this demonstration evokes strong, but misleading intuitions and a related illusion of impossibility.