North Ossetian State University

This study examines historical events and decisions related to the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict in the period from 1989 to 1992, which were reflected in the regional South Ossetian periodical, the official state media of South Ossetia, published in Ossetian and Russian by Soveton Iryston (Soviet Ossetia). The publications of the newspaper “Admonykhas”, published by the socio-political movement of the same name, which advocated the secession of the South Ossetian Autonomous Region from the GSSR, were used as auxiliary materials. Based on the materials of the South Ossetian press, the initial period of the conflict, its active phase and the events of the peaceful settlement stage are considered. The array of publications contains important and key decisions, resolutions, appeals and statements of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of South Ossetia, the leadership of the Republic of South Ossetia; summaries of military operations, numerous interviews with government officials, eyewitnesses of events, participants in the defense of South Ossetia represent a rich source of historical information about the military-political armed confrontation with Georgia. To a certain extent, the information policy of the state and private media of Georgia, which have chosen anti-Ossetian rhetoric for their editorial activities, is affected. Regional media are considered as a source of official documents testifying to decisions to end the armed conflict and humanitarian blockade, the results of negotiations between the parties, resolutions, facts of war crimes and mass violations of human rights by the Georgian side. The periodical press of the period of the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict of 1989-1992 is a source of relevant information in the study of the causes, beginning and end of the ethnopolitical conflicts in the South Caucasus using the example of Georgia’s military actions against South Ossetia. Currently, in a period of acute geopolitical tension, the importance of an objective analysis of the socio-political processes taking place in the post-Soviet space, in particular in the South Caucasus, is becoming increasingly important, especially in the context of the defrosting of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 2020-2023 and the transformation of risks and threats, the information space in the region.

This article focuses on the Special Military Operation, which serves as a powerful catalyst for collective self-determination in Russia. This complex and multifaceted period prompts society to deeply analyze not only current international realities but also the fundamental foundations of its own civilizational identity. A pragmatic, undisguised understanding of global processes and the country’s role in a changing world is emerging. At the same time, a large-scale internal mobilization is taking place, which can be characterized as a process of national awakening, affecting both the spiritual and historical spheres.

Regional economic security is primarily aimed at guaranteeing the long-term functioning of the economy, improving living standards, preserving and increasing various resources, such as labor, natural, intellectual, and financial resources, and, importantly, stimulating the growth of the region’s competitiveness. The tax potential of the region and the efficiency of its use, as measured by production volumes, budget revenues, employment, and total investment in the economy, have a significant impact on the region’s economic security. The article provides a valuable analysis of economic security, highlighting the most important strategic directions and goals for maintaining sustainability and progress in regional economies.

Iran’s Strategic Interests in the Gulf Countries in Recent History are diverse and include ensuring regional stability and security, promoting economic cooperation, particularly in the energy and trade sectors, seeking influence based on good-neighborliness and mutual respect, and utilizing opportunities for dialogue and de-escalation where possible. Iran’s relations with each of the Gulf countries have their own characteristics, ranging from competition, as with Saudi Arabia, albeit with a tendency towards de-escalation, to close economic partnerships, as with the UAE and Qatar, and the use of mediation potential, as with Oman and Qatar. Despite the existing differences, there is a prevailing desire to maintain stability in the region and foster mutually beneficial ties. Thus, Iran, located in a strategically important region, bases its foreign policy towards its neighbors on several key strategic interests, which vary in intensity depending on the specific country. Border security and the prevention of external threats are of utmost importance in all areas. Iran seeks stability on its borders and the prevention of hostile forces or terrorist groups from using neighboring territories. Economic cooperation, including the development of trade, energy projects, and transportation corridors with neighboring countries, is an important economic interest for Iran, particularly in the context of international sanctions. Iran seeks to play a significant role in regional processes by promoting its interests and creating a favorable environment for itself. This influence ranges from supporting allies to participating in conflict resolution.

One of the most difficult challenges for American society in the 1960s was the Vietnam War. By the beginning of Richard Nixon’s presidential term, the American armed forces were bogged down in a local conflict far from their own borders. The need to use the US army in Vietnam was questioned by the American public. The decision to withdraw American troops was becoming more and more obvious. At the same time, it was unacceptable for the United States to voluntarily give up its position in the confrontation with the Soviet Union. The compromise solution was the so-called «Nixon doctrine», which envisioned reducing the use of the US Armed Forces in local conflicts and expanded support for local allies in maintaining security in different regions of the world. In the context of Middle East policy, the «two pillars policy» was pursued. Saudi Arabia and Iran were the main pillars of American policy in the Middle East, with Tehran playing a dominant role. First of all, this decision was dictated by Iran’s less radical position on the Palestinian issue. The «Nixon Doctrine» predetermined American policy towards Iran for a decade to come. For Tehran, this policy has become a great opportunity to increase its military potential by purchasing the latest American weapons. In turn, Iran remained the most important economic partner for the United States, ensuring uninterrupted oil supplies. Strengthening the defense capability of the Iranian army has made it possible to maintain stability in the region and support the monarchies of the Persian Gulf loyal to Washington. However, increased defense spending has had a detrimental effect on the development of the civilian sector of the Iranian economy. In the face of the looming economic crisis, the low welfare of citizens and the repressive policies of the Shah, the inflated military budget only worsened the situation. The contradictions accumulated in society eventually led to the overthrow of the Shah, whose army could no longer serve as the «gendarme» of the Middle East.

The relevance of this topic stems from the fact that, in post-Soviet Russia, countering terrorism and extremism has become a stable state priority, while in the North Caucasus this agenda intensified amid conflicts, the radicalization of part of the youth, and a series of major terrorist attacks nationwide. The study aims to identify key features in the evolution of counterterrorism and counter-extremism measures in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania in the 1990s–2020s and to define the region’s place within Russia’s broader system of security and radicalization prevention. Materials and methods: the research draws on federal and regional legal and policy documents, official statistics and public reports, regional programs and strategies, regional press, and scholarly literature; it employs problem-chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-genetic approaches. Results: the 1990s were dominated by reactive, force-centered measures alongside the formation of basic institutions and coordination mechanisms; in the 2000s–early 2010s, policy became more structured and prevention expanded (work with youth, religious organizations, education, and the information sphere). Crisis events of the early 2000s, including the Beslan tragedy (2004), are shown to have shifted emphasis toward interagency coordination, the protection of vulnerable sites, and sustained educational and outreach efforts. In the 2010s–2020s, the approach grew more comprehensive, with a stronger role for municipalities, civic and youth organizations, ethno-confessional dialogue, and media practices aimed at reducing the appeal of radical narratives online. Conclusion: the experience of North Ossetia–Alania demonstrates a shift from a largely reactive model to a prevention-oriented system focused on social resilience and the integration of regional measures into federal strategies, highlighting how both tools and actors evolved—from security agencies to a wider set of institutions in education, culture, and civil society.

Using the official records of the North Ossetian Regional Committee of the CPSU, introduced into scholarly circulation for the fi rst time, this article examines the main trends and characteristics of North Ossetia’s socio-political development from 1953 to 1964. Drawing on archival documents, this article explores the reaction of the population of the North Ossetian ASSR to key political events in the USSR (the arrest of L. P. Beria in 1953, the condemnation of Stalin’s personality cult at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the defeat of the “anti-party group” in June 1957, etc.), as well as the policies of the regional party and state leadership, headed by V. M. Agkatsev, fi rst secretary of the North Ossetian regional committee of the CPSU. The authors highlight key areas where public activity was most evident during this period.

Objective: To determine the effect of the Russian-produced antioxidant MismaOx PF, added to complete feeds based on locally sourced ingredients (using the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania as an example), containing a subtoxic dose of nitrates, on the nutritional properties and environmental safety of cow's milk and its derivative. Materials and Methods: Swiss cows served as subjects for the study. After the second lactation, 20 cows were divided into two groups of 10 animals, using the same principle as the other groups. Sodium nitrate was added to the feed of dairy cattle in both groups (at a rate of 0,03 g/kg live weight) to ensure a subtoxic dose of nitrates. To detoxify the analyzed toxins, MismaOx PF (RF) was added to the feed of animals in the experimental group at a rate of 200 g/t of feed. Milking tests were performed in the cows in the comparison groups every ten days. Average samples of milk and Ossetian rennet cheese were collected to study their nutritional value (chemical composition) and environmental safety. Results. By introducing the tested antioxidant into the diet, lactating cows in the experimental group outperformed their control counterparts in dry matter content by 0,54 % (P<0,05), milk fat by 0,18 % (P<0,05), and protein by 0,23 % (P<0,05), including casein by 0,23 % (P<0,05). When feeding the antioxidant, lactating animals in the experimental group showed an increase in the proportion of α -casein in milk by 4,45 % (P<0,05) while simultaneously decreasing the proportion of the γ -fraction by 4,60 % (P<0,05). Under the influence of the denitrifying properties of the antioxidant, it was possible to achieve a decrease in the level of nitrates in milk by 2,50 times (P<0,05) and nitrites by 2,50 times (P<0,05); in cheese samples, nitrates by 2,65 times (P<0,05) and nitrites by 2,28 times (P<0,05).

Objective. To study the effects of human umbilical cord blood mononuclear cells (HUCB-MNCs) on functional state of cardiovascular system in healthy rats in subchronic experiment. Material and methods. The study enrolled 60 Wistar rats weighing 180 g (10 per a group) which were injected intravenously with transport medium for 60 days at intervals of 11—12 days (control group) and experimental HUCB-MNCs in dosages of 400 and 800 million cells /kg body weight. After 60 days, we screened heart rate (HR) and blood pressure before and after physical activity (free swimming for 2 minutes at a temperature of 38 °C). Doppler ultrasound of hind limb vessels at rest was performed. Median (Me), upper and lower quartiles (C25—C75) were calculated. We tested hypotheses using the Mann—Whitney criterion. Results. There were no significant changes in heart rate and blood pressure at rest under cell therapy. Males (HR): control 421 (403—432), “400 million” 455 (402—467), “800 million” 429 (423—436); females: control 405 (382—431), “400 million” 405 (389—428), “800 million” 404 (367—414). Under physical activity, males and females with dosage 800 million cells/kg showed significantly (p<0.001) lower heart rate by 8.0%. Significantly (p<0.05) higher blood flow velocity in vessels of lower extremities may indicate multiple functioning capillaries. At the same time, lower Gosling index in the experimental group (p<0.05) potentially indicates higher elasticity of vascular walls. Conclusion. Intravenous injection of HUCB-MNCs 800 million cells / kg improves cardiovascular function with higher ability to tolerate physical exertion and better peripheral hemodynamics.

Subject. The article discusses the tourist tax introduced in 2025. Objectives. The focus is on a comprehensive study of the new local tax, the need for its introduction, and assessment of its impact on the development of Russian regions. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was theoretical and legal foundations of the tourist tax. The study employed general scientific methods and approaches, i.e. analysis of regulatory framework, comparison, generalization, and systematization. Results. The paper presents the main stages of taxation of Russian tourism, considers the expediency of the tax introduction, its elements, weaknesses, and offers measures to address them. It notes that the tax is a source of income for local budgets and, thus, a source of tourist complex financing of a particular territory. The funds received are planned to be used for the maintenance of hotel and tourist services, which will subsequently attract a stream of new customers and lead to an increase in income. Conclusions. The findings revealed disadvantages of the tourist tax: rising prices for hotel accommodation; problems with tax administration and control; unfair pricing policy in resort areas; problems with the basic elements of taxation. The paper suggests possible solutions to the identified shortcomings.