Республика Татарстан во внешней политике России: от претензий на суверенитет к участию в продвижении общенациональных интересов

Contents: Introduction: Russia's nuclear regions, James Clay Moltz. Federal Nuclear Agencies and the Regions: Center-periphery relations and Russia's nuclear infrastructure, Dmitry Evstafiev and Vladimir A. Orlov Russian nuclear regionalism at the Federal Center, Nikolai Sokov and Adam N. Stulberg Minatom's regional strategy, Sonia Ben Ouagrham The military, the regions, and nuclear weapons, Michael Jasinski. Case Studies of Russia's Nuclear Regions: Nuclear issues in the Far Eastern Federal Okrug, Cristina Chuen Nuclear issues in the Volga Federal Okrug, Ivan Safranchuk Nuclear issues in the Urals Federal Okrug, Elena Sokova Nuclear issues in the Siberian Federal Okrug, Dmitry Kovchegin. The Experience of US Assistance Programs and Conclusions: The implementation of US nonproliferation assistance programs in Russia's regions, Michael Jasinski and Charles Thornton Nuclear decentralization in Russia: lessons learned and new directions, Adam N. Stulberg Index.

As relations between the Russian Federation and the West continue to deteriorate, traditional diplomatic instruments become less eff ective. Conversely, the role of alternative diplomatic channels is growing. However, the Russian foreign policy still tends to underestimate their potential. In particular, the soft power potential of the Russian regions appears to be largerly under-utilized. The paper starts with a general overview of the specifi c features of sub-state/sub-national actors in the world politics. In particular, the author emphasizes that these actors are synthetic by nature, which predetermines their particular role on the international scene, as they can use policy instruments specifi c to both state and non-state actors. The author provides a model for classifi cation of the Russian regions based on the level of their international activity. The paper examines by what means the international activities of the regions can infl uence the interstate relations and outlines two basic frameworks for joint actions of the federal center and the regions on the international arena: ‘culture and image-building’ and ‘political plus’. The author emphasizes the importance of the federal-regional cooperation in addressing foreign policy issues, particularly, in response to international crises. The paper assesses the capacity of diff erent Russian sub-national actors to actively participate through their soft power potential in normalization of interstate relations. The author concludes that this potential could be successfully integrated into the Russian foreign policy strategy. However, in order to improve the quality of the federal-regional cooperation on the foreign policy issues, it is necessary to develop a new framework for interaction between the federal center and the regions of the Russian Federation, based on greater involvement of regional representatives in the decision-making process (which implies reassessment of the entire system of federal relations).

Purpose. The article engages in a comprehensive analysis of the legal and normative foundations of international activities of the Russian sub-state regions with an emphasis on regional parliaments.Methods. In order to compile the study, the author draws upon a case-oriented research design and engages in two approaches namely comparative and political-legal. The case of the study is St. Petersburg, a Russian region, and its supreme legislative body namely the Legislative Assembly of Saint Petersburg.Results. The author has defined the general normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the Russian regions, outlined the general normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the legislative authorities of the Russian regions and analysed the normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the representative authority of the Russian regions and their proportion with the executive branch of power in the case of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg and the system of executive authorities of St. Petersburg. In addition, the author outlined the problems of legal regulation of international activities of Russian regions.Conclusions. Firstly, in terms of legal basis, the regions of the Russian Federation have a limited range of freedom in the sphere of international relations, consisting in the maintenance of cultural and economic ties, and the international activity of the regions itself is under the control of the federal authorities. Secondly, the federal legislation of Russia contains legal uncertainties regarding the interpretation of concepts and the definition of specific mechanisms and forms of international activities of the regions. Thirdly, federal legislation, while not defining the clear competences of regional parliaments, provides the Russian regions to independently determine the specific powers of their authorities within the framework of federal and regional legislation. Fourthly, the competences of international activities of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg are limited to the status-value, normative-recommendary and advisory-expert nature. Fifthly, the structure of the powers of public authorities in St. Petersburg shows a prevalence in the powers of international activities between the legislative and executive authorities in favour of the second one

Introduction. This article continues the discussion regarding “actual” legal relations and the regulators of “actual” legal relations. Theoretical Basis. Methods. Scientific knowledge for this article has been established using wellknown researches of the subject made by Russian and foreign authors, and criticisms of outdated provisions based on positivism. The author’s argument is supported by references to the works of not only legal scholars, but also representatives of other sciences (N. Wiener, N. I. Zhukov, L. A. Petrushenko, etc.) The study was conducted from the perspective of an integrative legal understanding. The methodology of general scientific character (formal logic, theory of systems, philosophy) was used, which allowed strengthened conclusions about the nature of “actual” legal relations, both their origin and their development. The use of private scientific methods (formal legal, comparative legal, analysis of national legal acts) allowed determination of the essence of “actual” legal relations, to differentiate legal relations and social. social relations, etc. Results. Two conclusions were reached. Firstly: “actual” legal relations are the objective legal reality, namely existing legal relations, settled first of all by the principles and norms of law contained in a single, developing and multilevel system of forms of national and (or) international law, realised in the state. Secondly: “actual” legal relations – namely the essence of objective legal reality; The regulators of “actual” legal relations are the forms of their expression. Discussion and Conclusion. The regulators of “actual legal relations” are developed as a result of the development of “actual” legal relations, called by Roman lawyers juris vinculum (legal relations related to objective law).

Subject. Today, the involvement of Russian regions in the world economy is becoming more and more important. Additionally, international economic relations of the regions have their own specific features determined by the level of the social and economic development of the region, its production capacities, infrastructure, the support of authorities and a number of other factors which need to be taken into account when developing the corresponding policies. Objectives. To classify Russian regions into groups with a similar level of development of various types of international economic activities and to identify their specific features. Methods. The following research methods were used to achieve the goal: a cluster analysis was used to group regions into virtual clusters; a comparative analysis was used to identify regions representing the specific features of the development of the relevant clusters; a correlation-regression analysis was used to detect and predict the dynamics of parameters of international economic activities of Russian regions. Results. As a result of processing original statistical data for 2018 for nine indicators, 81 Russian regions were grouped into five virtual clusters. The clusters were ranked according to the sums of standardised values of indices reflecting the level of development of international economic relations. The specific features of international economic activities of the clusters, their strengths and weaknesses, and representative regions were determined. Conclusions. It was found that Russian regions are strongly differentiated according to the level of the development of international economic relations. Since regions are focused on separate areas of international economic activity, it was possible to form 5 uniform virtual clusters. Cluster A (comprised of 3 regions) is focused on the international technology-based production with contributions from foreign funds. Its products are sold in the CIS countries and oversees. The most developed area of economic activity of cluster B (10 regions) is exports to the CIS countries. Cluster C (4 regions) is characterised by the extremely unbalanced development of the studied parameters. Its strengths include exports to foreign countries and the inflow of direct foreign investments. Among the relatively developed areas of international economic activities of cluster D are exports of goods abroad and imports of technologies and technical services. Cluster E (43 regions) is an outsider and does not have a pronounced focus on international economic activities. The weakest position for all five clusters is exports of technologies and technical services abroad.

This article examines the prospects of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the field of cross-border, interregional, trade, economic and integration cooperation. Including participation in integration processes within the framework of the EAEU and the CSTO, the areas of cross-border and interregional cooperation, are examples of a successful model of interregional cooperation. Integration potentials of the post-Soviet space are analyzed. The principles of economic bases of interaction, adopted during the national economic period of the USSR, determined the established process of Kazakh-Russian relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Kazakhstan inherited from the common economic system of the USSR a part of the unified production infrastructure, which in the 90s became even more relevant for economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. In the field of integration processes in the post-Soviet and Eurasian space, Russia and Kazakhstan are also leaders, which in many ways shape and set the pace of integration processes. According to the authors, important factors for integration processes are: geographical factor, demographic factor, economic resources, military-political factor, political factor, cultural factor, social factor, as well as reputation, information and educational resources.

This chapter provides a critical discussion of the mediatization of policy in general, and of EU foreign and security policy in particular. A common argument in public debate and research is that the media logic is increasingly affecting how policy is formulated. Brommesson and Ekengren are critical of this (as they see it) oversimplified perspective, and they analyse EU foreign and security policy from the opposite point of view in this chapter. Foreign policy is usually described as a conservative policy area, in as much as it is informed by a long-term perspective, and foreign policy is not the subject of public debate to the same extent as other policy areas. Based on this reverse perspective, the authors ask whether policy actors are actually taking advantage of the opportunities provided by mediatization to strengthen long-term policy objectives. The chapter sheds light on the relationship between policy and mediatization through a comparative analysis of two important strategy documents of EU foreign and security policy: the European security strategy of 2003 and the EU global strategy of 2016. The authors discuss the overarching question of whether the formulation of EU foreign and security policy is dominated by media logic, in other words, whether this policy has been mediatized.

The member states of the European Union (EU) coordinate, define, and implement foreign policy in the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This policy area, often referred to as EU foreign policy, has a broad scope covering all areas of foreign policy and all questions relating to security and defense. The CFSP is supported by a unique institutional framework, in which member states diplomats and officials from the EU institutions jointly make policy. It is led by the High Representative, who is the “face and voice” of EU foreign policy, and supported by the substantial European External Action Service and 140 EU delegations in other countries and international organizations. Because foreign policy is normally the business of sovereign states, the exceptional nature of the CFSP has long been a subject of inquiry. The CFSP has particularly puzzled advocates of the traditional theories of European integration and international relations, who have failed to appreciate what the EU does in the field of high politics. Given the absence of formal diplomatic recognition and a strong reliance on the resources of the member states, the EU is still not a full-fledged actor, yet it has a strong international presence nonetheless. Its presence and the gradual increase in “actorness” have also raised questions about whether the EU presents a different type of actor, a civilian or normative power, which derives its influence from nontraditional sources of power. Under the assumption that the EU has some actorness, the Europeanization of foreign policy has become an area of interest. Member states can act through the EU structure to achieve more impact internationally, can adjust national foreign policy on the basis of EU positions, and are socialized into greater European coordination. The relationship between national and EU foreign policy is thus a significant topic of debate. Finally, governance perspectives increasingly provide insight into the organization of the CFSP. How the member states and the EU institutions collectively coordinate, define, and implement EU foreign policy is not only an important question in itself but also matters for policy outcomes.

The study addresses the problems of Ukraine state security in the Coalition Agreement, which was signed by the parliamentary factions of the 5th Verkhovna Rada. The Coalition of Deputies' factions, as the subject of constitutional and legal relations, plays an important role in the social and political life of Ukraine from the mid-2000s, also in shaping the security strategy in domestic and foreign policy. The Ukrainian deputies devoted considerable attention to the issues of national security and foreign policy in the Coalition Agreement, taking into account the specifics of the external and internal political situation. Based on normative legal documents, the author shows that in the foreign policy the Coalition of Parliamentary Parties of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine was oriented towards European integration and determined its goal to implement the EU-Ukraine Action Plan and expand cooperation with NATO. At the same time, the intentions to maintain and develop a full partnership with Russia were declared. The attention was paid to the priority directions of the Coalition in the Agreement, in particular, improvement of the institutional, legal and informational support of the state's foreign policy. Separate consideration and legal support of the initiatives of Ukrainian parliamentarians. Of particular interest is that the deputies declared the intention of building an army that meets the geopolitical and military challenges of time, is professional and capable of responding to the latest challenges and threats. The author concludes that the Ukrainian politicians considered ensuring the national security of Ukraine in the Coalition Agreement in close connection with the processes of European integration of Ukraine and deepening its relations with the EU and NATO. Keywords security, NATO, eurointegration, political parties

The volume explores the marked differences between the complex and rapidly changing legal organization of EU external relations and the EU's ‘internal’ constitutional order. The European Union is unique as a polity organized along federal lines but with fully fledged States as its component political entities. The tension between the self-conscious Member States and their constitutional relationship within the EU is especially pronounced in the foreign policy field, where they remain determined to assert their status as full subjects of the international order. This book explores how foreign policy fits within the constitutional structure of the EU, characterized by the division of external relations competences between the EU and the Member States (‘the vertical axis’), and between the ‘pillars’ of which the Union is composed, in particular the division between the Community competences of the first pillar and the common foreign and security competences of the second pillar (‘the horizontal axis’). This is a study of the extent to which foreign policy is legally sui generis within the sui generis constitutional order of the EU, and of how the common foreign and security policy is in turn sui generis within the foreign policy structure of the Union. It provides both an exploration of the constitutional reality of EU foreign policy and theoretical analysis which suggests possibilities for reform.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the growing importance of the Eurasian direction in Japan's foreign policy, the causes and consequences of the duality and inconsistency of this policy, the influence of internal political reasons on Japan's alignment with its policy towards the Central Asian states. The process of building up a new system of Japan’s foreign policy behavior in Central Asiain this case has developed in a reactive as opposed to a proactive manner. Eurasian direction of Japan’s diplomacy demanded a serious revision because by the new project «One Belt, One Road», which is an unprecedented regional initiative of Beijing– the primary foreign policy opponent for Tokyo. The regional agenda of Tokyois also influenced by the new approaches of Donald Trump’s administration to the multilateral cooperation’s forms. Tokyo’s attempts to pursue its relations with the Central Asian states as a whole region and the Japan’s experience of using the dialogue «Central Asia plus Japan» as a promising model for the cooperation between non-regional actors and its Central Asia’s partners, are also of interest. In addition, the article deals with the preconditions for coordinating actions in the Eurasian direction between Japan and its friendly states, including Turkey and India, and the process of diversifying the economic partners of the Central Asian region as a whole. Since the reasons for the interest of the Central Asian states in the implementation of economic and other forms of cooperation with Tokyohave not lost their relevance, Russiacould be of significant value to Tokyo.

Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada’s foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the “other diplomacies” of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces’ international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada’s foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada–Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces’ international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada’s foreign policy in the region.

The article is devoted to the development of bilateral and multilateral relations between Russia and the European Union (EU). Such relations are based on the principle of cooperation among States, which, in accordance with international law, establishes the duty of cooperation regardless of differences between States on an equal basis and in a variety of fields. Since the scope of modern international law has expanded significantly, many areas of cooperation have been developing rapidly. These include such areas as science, innovation, education. In the context of internationalization of science, the development of mutually beneficial international cooperation for the formation of a model of international scientific cooperation and international integration aimed at protecting public interests and improving the efficiency of Russian science requires the analysis of the best forms of cooperation, information exchange, resolving legal issues of participation in various scientific projects. Fields of science, innovation and education are among the unifying areas in which the development of international cooperation continues despite the adverse international situation. The article deals with conventional, non-conventional and institutional forms of between Russia and the EU.

The study outlines the role of intercultural communication as a crucial component of diplomats and international professionals’ training, which increases the effectiveness of interaction with representatives of different cultures in performing professional duties. Conditions of civilizational development, achievements of science, innovative technologies, requirements of public life, the priority of foreign policy activity have led to the deepening of people's and cultures’ interaction. Because of such interaction of both individuals and cultures, diplomatic relations between different states have gained a special status. The diplomatic relations are based on intercultural communication as a tool of international cooperation aimed at promoting foreign policy interests of different states, as well as ensuring international cooperation and developing long-term formal and informal ties between government institutions, international actors, diplomatic missions, and political leaders. All these cause the intensification of intercultural communication processes that become systemic. With the research methods being study, analysis, and generalization, the study was aimed at revealing the concept of intercultural communication competence as the diplomats and international affairs specialists’ ability to choose and implement a speech act depending on the goals and content of professional speech through language, as well as mastery of communication strategies and tactics.

The International Dimension of the EU Agencies Charting a Legal-Institutional Twilight Zonee