Рецепція історії античності у контексті греко-римських відносин в драматичній поемі Лесі Українки «Оргія»

Fear of heights (acrophobia) is defined as a subtype of specific phobias by the DSM-IV TR [1] criteria based on the diagnostic features of panic attacks. It has a lifetime prevalence of 3.1–5.3 % [2]. There is, however, a continuum extending from acrophobia to stimulus-dependent visual height intolerance, which does not fulfill the diagnostic criteria of a specific phobia. The frequency of visual height intolerance (height vertigo) is much higher. A recent epidemiological study based on a representative survey revealed that visual height intolerance has a prevalence of 28 % [3]. Thus, height vertigo is a well-known condition that manifests either as a specific phobia or, if less severe, as visual height intolerance. In their historical review, Balaban and Jacob [4] convincingly describe the comorbidity of vertigo and anxiety as an integral component of the medical literature since antiquity. We found a vivid description of symptoms typical for fear of heights in the Greek Corpus Hippocraticum, 5th century BC [5]: ‘‘When Demokles was with him, he said that he felt his eyesight had worsened, and the muscles in his entire body had slackened. He was, he said, not able to walk along the edge of a precipice or cross over a bridge. He would not dare walk over a ditch, regardless how shallow, for he would be afraid to fall into it. However, he would dare to walk in the ditch itself’’. This raised the question as to whether comparable descriptions can be found in other cultures from nearly the same time period but with a completely different concept of bodily function and disorders, namely in the Chinese medical classics. The 80th chapter (‘Discourse on great confusion’) of the book Huangdi Neijing Lingshu, whose content dates back to between the 2nd century BC and the 2nd century AD [6– 8], provides a lively description of height vertigo. The book is part of the Huangdi Neijing (The internal classic of the Yellow Thearch), the theoretical foundation of Chinese medicine. The Yellow Thearch, Huang Di, is considered the cultural hero who bestowed the gift of medicine on the Chinese people. The chapters of the book are mostly written as interviews between Huang Di and his physicians. In the text, Huang Di asks Qi Bo: ‘‘Often when I climb onto a clear, cold observation platform, after I have gone up half of the steps, look around, and crawl further forward; there is a confusion’’. (Fig. 1) (Clarification: a later commentary refers to the height of the platform as an explanation for this description: ‘‘[its] Qi is cold, it is therefore called ‘a clear, cold platform’.)’’. He continues: ‘‘I feel unusual and inwardly strange, I close my eyes, and then I open them. I calm my mind and steady my breath. A longer time passes, but the confusion does not resolve. Everything spins around and I feel dizzy. I loosen my hair and kneel on the ground, I bow my head, and look down. This [strange feeling] doesn’t stop for a long time. What kind of Qi causes this?’’ Qi Bo replies: ‘‘The essence of the Qi of the five depot-organs and of the six palace-organs all flow upwards to the eyes and give them clarity.(...) The eyelids envelop the essence of the sinews, the bones, the blood and the Qi and together with the vessels they form a connection. At the top it connects to the brain, at the back it comes out in the middle of the neck. If the evil strikes M. Bauer Horst-Gortz-Institute for Theory, History, and Ethics of Chinese Life Sciences, Chariteplatz 1, 10117 Berlin, Germany

Introduction. In ancient mythology, the image of Hercules is one of the most popular, and his heroic cult is one of the most common. Having emerged from the “conglomerate of folk tales”, the image of Hercules was actively assimilated by the Greek and then Roman literary tradition. Hercules was a very popular hero among Greek tragic and especially comic poets. In Roman times, the final systematization of the image took place. The key role in this process was played by the works of Apollodorus “The Mythological Library” (2nd century BC), “Pictures” by Philostratus the Younger (2nd century BC) and “Description of Hellas” by Pausanias (2nd century BC). Within the framework of the classical tradition, the image of Hercules in Roman times was finally formed and unambiguous. Hercules is a hero, a demigod, the son of Zeus and Alcmene, who possessed amazing strength, who killed his children (and the children of his brother Iphicles) in an act of madness. He performed 12 labours at the request of Eurystheus. Hercules lived with the Lydian queen Omphale dressing in a woman’s dress. He was poisoned by his wife Deianira, burned at the stake on Mount Eta and ascended to Olympus, where he became the spouse of Hebe. Methods. The hermeneutic methodology, which ensured the correct understanding and interpretation of the text of the Suda dictionary and the ancient texts, on which this “antique” dictionary was based, is used in the article. The toolkit of the hermeneutic circle (pre-understanding and understanding of the text, interpretation of the whole based on knowledge of its parts) made it possible to highlight key elements (plots, signs and symbols) of the philosophical image of Hercules in the entries of the dictionary. Results. We can see a kind of “muscular Christianity”, when the strength of the body still corresponds to moral perfection and the withdrawal from the world does not contradict the active entry into the still polis institutions of urban life in Byzantine cities, among which the most important was the hippodrome and sports competitions. Christian authors actively used traditional sports metaphors and images of wrestling, but filled them with new Christian content. In the dictionary of the Suda, there is a kind of replacement of images that embody the samples of virtue. Hercules always loses to Job. It is indicative that the Christian rhetoric, relying on the philosophical symbolism of the apotheosis of Hercules, using the “sports” terminology of struggle, ignores the developed philosophical symbolism of Hercules, and fights against the mythological “fables” about Hercules. Using cynical and stoic terminology, Christian rhetoric opposes the comedic and dramatic image of Hercules, as Herodore of Heracles did in the 5th century BC. That is, the enemy is borrowed from Christian rhetoric along with philosophical symbols and terminology describing a difficult life full of trials as a virtue.

The earliest evidence of synagogue institutions consists of two inscriptions and one papyrus text from mid- to late 3rd-century bce Egypt mentioning the term proseuchē, one of seventeen Greek, Latin, and Hebrew terms used in antiquity that are translated into English as “synagogue.” (It should be noted, however, that some scholars would argue that the term proseuchē—at this time—referred to Jewish temple institutions rather than synagogues.) In the 2nd and 1st century bce, we find an increase in the number of inscriptions and papyri referring to synagogues as well as a greater geographic spread of the remains of synagogues. During this time we also find the first mention of these institutions in literary texts. The earliest architectural remains identified by a majority of scholars as synagogue buildings date from the 2nd or 1st century bce. By the 1st century ce, in addition to the continued and increasing presence of architectural and inscriptional evidence, we find frequent mention of synagogues in literary texts, both Jewish and non-Jewish: Philo, Josephus, the New Testament, and Greco-Roman texts. Geographically, evidence from this time period come from most parts of the Mediterranean world, making a circle with Italy in the west, Hungary and the northern shores of the Black Sea in the north, Syria in the east, and Egypt and Libya in the south. Intriguingly, there are few archaeological remains dating from the 2nd century in the land of Israel (only one edifice, if we follow the dating proposed by the excavators). From the 3rd century onward, and particularly in the 4th and 5th centuries, there is a dramatic increase in synagogue construction. In addition, most of these late antique buildings are, in contrast to earlier synagogues, richly decorated.

The paper is an editing four Greek documentary ostraca preserved in Cairo Museum preserved among a large collection, that has been divided into two group ostraca in the third floor of Cairo Museum (D3East). The ostraca have been brought to the museum on January 25th, 1955 from the region of Thebes (specifically from either Elephantine or Syene, as it is sometimes mentioned in some ostraca and as it is mentioned in this paper in O. No. 20b). These four ostraca have been published for the first time. The four ostraca have the same inventory number (S.R.18953). The editor has numbered the two collections into a separate serial number to each group. They date back to: 1- The 23rd year, 21st of Pachon (19 June 158 BCE), 2- the 30th year, the 22nd of Pharmouthi of the reign of Ptolemy IX Soter II (May 3rd 87 BCE), 3- Beginning of 2nd century CE and 4- 2nd century CE in sequence. The first document is O. No. 6b and measures 11.9 cm in width x 12.9 cm in length. It is bilingual and consists of five complete lines (four Greek and one Demotic) that have been written on the recto (convex), while the verso (concave) is blank. It is a Granary Receipt in which two tax-payer acknowledge that they have paid five and one-six artabas of wheat to a sitologos (whose name is illegible). The document has some problematical reading in the proper name in the beginning of line 2 and the proper name in line 4. The second document is O. No. 20b and measures 5.1 cm in width x 8.7 cm in length. It has preserved complete seven lines and the verso is blank. This document mentions clearly in line two that the place to which it belongs (i.e. Syene, modern Aswan). It is uncertain Treasury receipt? Where almost all the parallels with the same or close formula are Treasury receipts. The hand is well-trained and the text is almost legible and clear except for the last word in line 6. In the text, Patapes declares that he paid an amount of money to an official whose name or title is not clear in the text, yet it mostly the banker of the village. The third is O. No. 6a and measures 13 cm in width x 12 cm in length. This potsherd has preserved four complete lines on the recto, while the verso is blank. It is a short Decania List “groups of camel-drivers” which has the number “25” that probably was given to each group of the Decania. The fourth ostracon is O. No. 20a and measures 9.2 cm in width x 6.5 cm in length. It has preserved three complete lines that have been written on the recto and the verso is blank. It is “A person Name!” it is unusual one person's name has been written in ostracon. There are couple of suggestions of the existence of this name: either because of the importance of this person, where he, his patronymic and grandfather’s name were mentioned, or he was a chief of decania “decanos”.

Unfortified settlement near the Jaskavičy village, Salihorsk District, Minsk Region is located on the northern margin of Pripyat Polesia. The settlement was discovered in 2017 by H. M. Byalickaya, researcher from the Institute of History of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. In 2018, archaeological investigation of the settlement was continued by an expedition of Belarusian State University and an area of 364 m2 was excavated there. Two dwelling structures (a log hut and a hut with post walls) and household structure, and several other features were excavated during field seasons of 2017 and 2018. This article deals with the major part of obtained materials that belong to the Roman period. Preliminary, this horizon on the settlement can be synchronized with phases B2/C1–C1a – C2–C3 according to the Central European relative chronology and roughly can be dated to the period from the second part of the 2nd century or the boundary of the 2nd and 3rd centuries till the beginning or the middle of 4th century AD. Analysis of pottery, most prevalent tools – clay spindle whorls as well as adornments and pieces of clothing allows to attribute the settlement to the Kyiv cultural circle. Based on the finds from the dwelling structures and their surroundings, it can be assumed that the residents of the settlement were specialized in working with non-ferrous metals and, probably, in iron production. Imports from the Wielbark culture are registered among metal items and, occasionally, fragments of pottery. These imports are the evidences of contacts between community of Jaskavičy-1 settlement and foreign population – the Goths who had started to penetrate territories in the middle flow of the Pripyat river from the end of the 2nd century AD. The Jaskavičy-1 settlement, most actively occupied in the Late Roman period (3rd – middle 4th century AD), can become the reference site of the Kyiv cultural circle for the territory of the Central Polesia. Even preliminary results of archaeological investigations there allow to state that the chronological lacuna between Polesian settlements of post-Zarubintsy period (middle 1st–2nd century AD) and the earliest (of phase «0») settlements of the Prague culture form the Migration Period (which is associated with Slavs people) is being filled. Hence, at the Jaskavičy-1 settlement we have got a new argument supporting the theory about the beginning of formation of culture of the early Slavs in the territory of Pripyat Polesia.

Chapter 15 - Poisons, Poisoners, and Poisoning in Ancient Rome

P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (236/5-183 BC) is best known for his extensive role in Roman expansion throughout the Mediterranean in the late 3rd and early 2nd Centuries BC. His contribution to the Second Punic War, most famously his defeat of Hannibal at the Battle of Zama in 202, and to the Roman-Seleucid War with Antiochus III has naturally resulted in ancient and modern fascination with his military campaigns, strategies, and achievements. Similarly, the development of the ‘Scipionic Legend’ and his reception within Greek and Latin literary traditions has received comprehensive analysis. Yet questions remain to be asked about Scipio’s image and identity, and how they were promoted and received by both Scipio and contemporary audiences in Rome and the Hellenistic world. Existing treatments of his career, such as those of Liddell-Hart (1927), Haywood (1933), Scullard (1970), and Gabriel (2008), have approached him almost exclusively as a military and political figure. In this thesis, however, Scipio will be examined as a figure shaped by Rome’s and his own immersion in the culture of the Hellenistic world during the 3rd and 2nd Centuries BC. It will be argued that the honours and presentation techniques associated with Scipio are by and large products of his own age and that there has been too much emphasis on parallels with figures such as Julius Caesar and on the consequent theory that Scipio’s honours are the product of hindsight. At each stage of Scipio’s public career, he used a combination of Roman and Hellenistic promotional techniques to great effect, engaging with leadership ideals and methods from both cultures to appeal to varying audiences. From his early roles in Rome and Spain, he presented himself in terms of Roman virtues, embodying filial pietas in battle and display, while exploring Hellenistic conceptions of the gods through his personal relationships with Jupiter and Neptune. In Sicily and Africa at the end of the Second Punic War, he further engaged with Greek culture in his manner and dress and established a diplomatic relationship with the Numidian prince, Masinissa, and later with Philip V and Antiochus, that transcended Roman convention. On his travels through Greece and Asia Minor during the war with Antiochus in 190-189, he presented himself as a magnanimous benefactor to local communities and leaders, who responded with honours suitable for a Hellenistic king. His immersion in foreign contexts certainly enhanced opportunities for exploration of Hellenistic technique, but it was equally present in his presentation at Rome. His triumphal procession, his erection of the ‘Arch of Scipio’, and his cultivation of a popular image seem to have drawn on precedents within both Rome and the Hellenistic world. Rome, as part of a broader Mediterranean cultural koine, engaged with and was receptive to Hellenistic culture to a much greater extent than is often acknowledged, and his contemporaries responded to his Hellenistic display with honours and veneration appropriate for a Hellenistic leader, benefactor, or saviour figure. Ultimately, this exploration of Scipio Africanus through a Hellenistic and cultural lens sheds light on the development of Roman elite identity and its engagement with Hellenistic culture during the 3rd and 2nd Centuries BC.

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The publication is devoted to the discovery, historical, cultural and artistic interpretation of unique artifacts of the art of carving on the horn dated by the time of the state of Kangju I in the 1st century BC — 2nd century AD. from South Kazakhstan. For the first time in the archeology of Kazakhstan, in the catacomb burial of the Kylyshzhar burial ground, two median horn overlays were found on the handle of the “M”-shaped reflexive bow with subjects of social and semantic-ritual content, made by highly artistic carving (engraving) on the horn. One of them reflects the hunting scene of a noble Kangju man. It depicts a rider-nomad of oriental appearance in the pose of a low-seated jockey on a horse-mare, who shoots from a bow, hunting argali driven by a long pursuit. The shooter has the regalia of power, is armed with a bow and its auxiliary attributes (reserve bow, solidly lit quiver with a set of combat arrows). Another plot shows a group of argali hunted by a ‘bear-lion’, a mythical polymorphic creature: the animals tend to elude this ‘beast’, which grabbed one individual in a throw and is readyto devour it. Both compositions are united by hunting into a single sacred action, in which a person (a horse rider with high authority in the society of nomads with a status close to a deity) and a mythical ‘bear-lion’ (also a deity) participate — as characters endowed with special social and religious functions — in the hunt for argali, the animals that embody the global deity farn (hvarnah) among the Iranian-speaking peoples of Central Asia and South Kazakhstan. The archaeological finds that accompany the these plates, as well as the chrono-indicators presented by similar historical and cultural content of the plots, the technique of making artifacts from horn, bone, allow us to determine the chronology of products within the 1st century BC — 2nd century AD.

The development of amphora production in Colchis is examined, from its beginnings in the mid-4th cent. BC under the influence of vessels from Sinope. The emergence of amphora production should be seen as the result of Hellenic influence upon the economy and upon craftsmen of the E littoral of the Black Sea. Throughout the Classical period one type of Colchian amphora existed, which underwent drastic change in the course of time. Three successive variants may be discerned. The earliest, from the mid-4th to 3rd cent. BC, retains similarities with the Sinopean prototypes. In the late 3rd and 2nd centuries BC, substantial changes in morphology and dimensions take place. In the late 1st and early 2nd centuries AD the third variant, with a rib under the rim, appears. Petrographic analysis shows that the vessels were made within one extensive region, Colchis, but at a variety of centres. They were produced in state-owned and private workshops, employing both Greek and local craftsmen. The Greek workshops (or those which had links with Greek potters) were the main exporters of amphorae to the northern Black Sea coastal region from the 4th cent, BC to 1st cent. AD.

We shall discuss here the bronze cauldron discovered in 1932 in the perimeter of the Daco-Getae settlement of Piatra Șoimului (Calu). The vessel was dated by R. Vulpe to the 3rd century AD and the 1st century BC by Gh. Bichir. According to its features, the Piatra Șoimului (Calu) cauldron belongs to type VI, variation 1, subvariation A in S. I. Demidenko’s typology. Although the earliest cauldrons of type VI.1.A come from a series of features of the second half of the 2nd century – end of the 1st century BC, they are mainly specific to the mid Sarmatian period, the majority originating in graves dated to the second half of the 1st century – early 2nd century AD. The Piatra Șoimului (Calu) cauldron is the single vessel of the type from the space between the Dnieper and the Carpathians, while the closest parallel is the vessel of Boguslav, a place located to the left of the Dnieper. The remaining cauldrons in type VI (over 60 specimens), come from territories in the Don river basin, the Kuban region and the area of the lower Volga river course. Upon the analysis of the Sarmatian date cauldron finds from Ukraine and the R. of Moldova, the author notes their small number and the fact they belong to types specific to the mid Sarmatian period, representing, together with other item classes, one of the innovations of this period (1st century – mid 2nd century AD). Furthermore, it is mentioned that most come from features and contexts with a marked eastern nature of the period between the second half of the 1st century – first half of the 2nd century AD. Considering that most cauldrons in type Demidenko VI were discovered in territories inhabited by the Alani Aorsi and Siraces and based on the dating of features containing identical cauldrons and the Sarmatians’ entry and settlement of the north and north-west Pontic area, the author concludes that the Piatra Şoimului (Calu) vessel, beside the other cauldrons specific to the mid Sarmatian period from the north and north-west of the Black Sea, reached the east Carpathian area sometime in the second half of the 1st century AD and by no means later than the events by early 2nd century AD.

Analgesia and anesthesia: etymology and literary history of related Greek words.

FR-08 ANCIENT UROGENITAL DISEASES IN THE LIGHT OF UROGENITAL VOTIVES

In order to identify new crops in the 1st millennium ce in northern Italy, a complex and diversified territory, archaeobotanical macroremains from 155 sites dating between the 2nd century bce and 12th century ce were analysed. In more than half of the sites, taxa were encountered that had never previously been recorded from the area. The new crops are about 30, mainly (~ 70%) fruit plants in the broad sense, which have a clear peak in this time period. Based on the available data, the most prominent time for the introduction of new food plants (both imports and cultivars) seems to have been the Roman Imperial period (1st–2nd century ce), but also later, in Late Antiquity (3rd–6th century ce) and the Middle Ages (7th–12 century ce), there was no lack of new arrivals. Some fruit trees, such as Prunus persica (peach) and Pinus pinea (stone pine) immediately played an important role, and have continued to do so over time, as these are still grown in the area now.

Bo Stig Hansen, Michael Reichardt Hansen, Udo Pletat and Rudi Studer: An abstract model of a distributed office system, Institute fuer Informatik, University of Stuttgart, Stuttgart, 1985