Характер формирования и численность гарнизонов Колывано-Воскресенского ведомства во второй четверти XVIII в.

Druge godine Velikoga rata preustrojava se sigurnosni sustav banske Hrvatske. Tom prilikom Središnja defenzivno doglasna služba, koja je obavljala poslove tajne državne policije, kao samostalno tijelo pri Zemaljskoj vladi postaje njezinom sastavnicom, ulazeći u sastav novoosnovanoga Odsjeka IV-B za pogranična redarstvena satništva Odjela za unutarnje poslove Zemaljske vlade. Razlozi preustroja, pored političkih, osobito sukoba vojnih i civilnih vlasti, bili su i raznovrsni funkcionalni. Zahvaljujući potrebama obrane Zemaljska vlada preko te službe počinje dobivati i dio financijskih podataka koji su joj do tada bili nedostupni jer su izlazili iz okvira autonomnih poslova banske Hrvatske. U članku se na temelju arhivskoga gradiva i relevantne historiografske literature te dijelom i tiska predstavlja i analizira preustroj sigurnosnoga sustava 1915. godine.

The article shows the dynamics of the number of women working on the Russian Empire’s railways during the First World War. The article provides comparative statistics on the number, percentage and positions occupied by women on the railways before the war (1913) and on the front-line and home front railways during the war (1914–1917), based on the analysis of records of civil and military authorities. The author has established that the initial phase of changes in the personnel policy of the Ministry of Railways and local railway administrations in favour of recruiting more women to railway service dates back to the second half of 1915. The changes in personnel policy were primarily due to the mobilisation of reserve soldiers, many of whom had previously worked on the railways. Initially seen by the Ministry of Railways as a temporary and forced measure, the trend of replacing the men who had gone to the front by women gained momentum in 1916, as a result of which the scope of women’s work in the railway industry was constantly expanding. The article draws a conclusion about the all-Russian trend of gradual expansion of the sphere of women’s labour on the railways, demonstrates the growth of the absolute number of female railway workers, which was conditioned by the needs of military and civil authorities during the First World War.

Articulation and Concordance: A Dialogue on Civil–Military Relations in Fiji

ABSTRACTPrimorksy Krai, in Russia’s Far East, provides a perfect example of the extreme need of cooperation between civil and military authorities during critical periods of conflict and potential wars. Ensuring this region’s defense capability and providing for the needed manpower for agriculture and needed industries resulted from the cooperation of civil and military authorities. This article is based on documents and materials researched in five Russian archives.

The present work aims to find an efficient and fast method for the nesting of two-dimensional Irregular or regular parts in an irregular or regular sheet using genetic and heuristic algorithms, with a view to maximizing the utilization of the sheet material. The proposed genetic algorithm gives out the best sequence and orientation of parts, using which the given heuristic generates a nested pattern with bottom left strategy. The heuristic approach makes use of the positioning technique to find out the acceptable position of each part on the sheet. The application of the proposed approach is illustrated by considering both irregular parts and irregular sheets composed of line features.

During the First World War the military and civil authorities of Austria-Hungary employed a variety of means to carry out mobilization and army operations successfully. The system of emergency laws that had been drawn up before 1914 was introduced into the Monarchy at the war's outset by imposing a state of emergency and suspending the fundamental civil rights. A special authority, the War Surveillance Office, based in Vienna and comprising a number of ministerial officials, was set up to control and coordinate the execution of the emergency measures for the duration of the conflict. Concerns about national tensions, open resistance, interference, and sabotage by socialist and national agitators provided the government and military an excuse to focus their attention on “internal enemies.” Enemy aliens and politically suspect citizens were forcibly deported into internment camps, or exiled to remote parts of the Monarchy. This article analyses the treatment of the Italian-speaking population of Trentino and Littoral during the war. Military authorities considered the internment of and/or exile measures against these politically suspect nationals appropriate and effective instruments to fight irredentism. Owing to their exaggerated fears of the irredentist threat, the military authorities arrested and interned large numbers of people, most of whom posed no threat to the Monarchy. Their “crimes” included, for example, belonging to national associations and having contacts with “unreliable persons.” The military's repressive behavior in Trentino and Littoral contributed to the diminution of Italian speakers' loyalty to the Monarchy.

The friction between civil and military authorities was never greater than during the Great War of 1914-1918. The unprecedented casualties suffered by the British Army and involvement of every element of British life in the conflagration gave added intensity to this conflict. The ability of British democracy to wage total war was put to a severe test. Where did the responsibility of the civilians end in formulating strategy? Where did the authority of the soldiers begin? This strategic debate largely centered on the size of Britain's commitment to the ghastly slaughter in the trenches of the Western Front.Before 1914 British war planners had thought of a short war with at most only limited involvement in Europe. After Britain's plunge into war, the civil and military authorities decided to employ the small professional British Army on the continent to save France from being overrun, a decision made easier by the widespread belief that the war would be over within a few months. By this continental commitment Britain became involved in a long and bloody war of attrition in France and Flanders.As 1914 ended in stalemate in the West with few of the original members of the British Expeditionary Force still on their feet the debate over the employment of future British armies began in earnest. The government's chief military adviser was Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War. Although the public viewed Kitchener as Britain's greatest soldier, his appointment was almost certainly a mistake.

In 1879, during the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878–80), General (later Lord) Frederick Roberts found himself in occupation of the defeated sovereign state of Afghanistan. Initially he claimed his authority stemmed from the Afghan amir and that he was acting on his behalf to suppress rebels, but the abdication of the Afghan ruler amid a popular insurgency and pressure from his political masters meant that Roberts had to establish his own military authority and implement martial law. This article examines the liberties and restrictions of occupation forces during protracted insurgencies, the difficulties in making the transfer of military command to political authority, and the tensions between commanders, political advisers, and civilian authorities.

The balance between civil and military structures is central to understanding the development of Georgian statehood since the beginning of the 20th century. The first modern independent Georgian state was established after the 1917 Russian Revolution. The Democratic Republic of Georgia declared its independence in May 1918. In February 1921, the young republic was incorporated into the Soviet state and had no separate army of its own. Since regaining its independence in 1991, Georgia has experienced multiple administrations, and despite significantly different policies on the military, the overall pattern has been one of civilian (though not always democratic) control. Georgian militias and paramilitaries, between 1918 and 1921 and again between 1991 and 1995, played important roles in determining political power at times of revolutionary or constitutional crises. Since 1991 there have been three presidents - Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze, and Mikheil Saakashvili - with strong executive authority. In 2013, the position of president was made semi-ceremonial and a prime-ministerial system was instituted. Since 2013, there have been multiple prime ministers. Bidzina Ivanishvili was the first and the most powerful. All of Georgia’s leaders have shifted from a Soviet to pro-Western orientation. Since the second half of the 1990s, the relationship with NATO has grown closer, which has had a major impact on the structure of the Georgian armed forces and on their relationship with Georgia’s civil authorities. The 2008 war with Russia had a major impact on the Georgian military, and, since then, the level of professionalization of the Georgian armed forces has increased dramatically. Samuel Huntington, Eric Nordlinger, and other Western students of civil-military relations have pointed to the important balance required between civil and military authorities for a stable democracy. Georgia still displays continuing features of nepotism, clientelism, corruption, and dominant political personalities, which has significant consequences for the independence of the Georgian military and for civil-military relations more generally. Western states such as the United States and Germany, and international organizations like NATO continue to urge reform and provide training to the Georgian armed forces

One of the most important and interesting phases of the American Red Cross Work in France is the care of refugee children in the war zone. This work is carried out under the auspices of the children's bureau, which was organized in July of last year. The first work of this character undertaken was the establishment of an asylum and hospital for children at Toul, in the Meurthe and Moselle Department. This medical and relief work, with the help of the French civilian and military authorities, has been developed along such extensive lines that today the children's bureau, through this institution and traveling dispensaries, is able to bring help to the entire child population of the department, the fighting front of which, as all know, is the original sector taken over by the American expeditionary forces. The need of this work can be better appreciated when it is recalled that

In April 1921, while Waterford was under martial law, Brigid Fahy, a native of Dungarvan, and her maid Bridget O’Neill, became victims of a violent assault in their home during curfew hours. The alleged perpetrators were two ‘Black and Tans’ attached to the RIC barracks in the town. They subsequently returned to the residence and burned it as a reprisal for the formal complaint made by Fahy about their behaviour. This article explores how the police, the military and the state responded to Fahy’s public pursuit of justice. Drawing on the correspondence between Dublin Castle and senior military officers, as well as Fahy’s sworn statement, it highlights the tensions that existed between the civil and military authorities in Ireland during this period. Central to the narrative is chief secretary Sir Hamar Greenwood, who—despite his elevated position within the Irish administration—could not persuade General Strickland’s 6th Division to communicate any information on the case, leaving Greenwood in an almost untenable position when confronted with questions on the matter in the House of Commons. Fahy’s case not only highlights the breakdown in communications that existed between Dublin Castle and the military, but demonstrates the breakdown of trust between the citizens of Dungarvan and the RIC. It argues that crimes of this nature may have been under-reported, as women had no incentive to report the crimes of the RIC and every reason to refrain from doing so.

Reviewed by: With Malice Toward Some: Treason and Loyalty in the Civil War Era by William A. Blair Stephen E. Towne (bio) With Malice Toward Some: Treason and Loyalty in the Civil War Era. By William A. Blair. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. 432. $40.00 cloth) William A. Blair’s commendable study shows how a popular [End Page 121] understanding of treason dominated Union government policies and practices toward southern rebels and perceived disloyalists in the North during the Civil War and immediate postwar years. Under the U.S. Constitution, treason is narrowly defined. Moreover, prior to the war, the crime had rarely been tried in the courts. But the unprecedented challenges of civil war prompted Unionists from all walks of life to paint dissenting speech and other acts as treason. Consequently, governing authorities assembled makeshift and inefficient mechanisms to police the country using broad, often imprecise, definitions of loyalty and treason. In short order, the U.S. Army took the lead as the enforcer of an elastic understanding of loyalty and disloyalty, as well as deciding when non-action was just as bad as a traitorous act. Although learning quickly that treason is difficult to prosecute, the army resolutely plowed ahead and arrested northern newspaper editors for publishing disloyalty or detained civilians for discouraging enlistments or encouraging desertion. Congress helped by passing laws giving authorities new tools to enforce the popular views of treason and the disloyal. Blair outlines a period when numerous arrests for perceived disloyal speech or treasonous acts occurred throughout the northern states, as both civil and military authorities took their cues from community norms of thought, speech, and behavior. After the Union prevailed and the victorious army occupied the former Confederate states, government policies to punish rebel treason yielded to leniency as northern Democrats and Republicans jockeyed either to regain power or retain primacy. Blair’s discussion of a wartime federal government that failed to stand up for civil liberties for all citizens but yielded to common sentiments of retribution and partisan bloodlust might seem to point the finger of blame at President Abraham Lincoln. Although references to Lincoln are many, he is not the central figure in the book. The army and Union people generally are the main actors who are faulted. As Blair notes, the president and his cabinet “were interested in finding the practical tools to win the war, while ensuring that they maintained a toe in the water of constitutional plausibility” (p. 4). [End Page 122] Lincoln, while characterized by Blair as a strong leader, succumbed to subordinate officials, especially military commanders, and allowed them to employ popular, not constitutional, standards to dictate how they punished both northern and southern treason. Although an insightful work, Blair’s analysis is in some ways a work of synthesis. Frequently cited are historians Mark E. Neely Jr. and Jonathan W. White, as well as political scientist Richard F. Bensel, who has published on military interference in voting during the war. Blair uses many primary sources but mostly cites those published or available on microfilm or online (e.g., the well-known Official Records series and newspapers). He could have bolstered his arguments and avoided a number of factual errors had he cited unpublished army records in the National Archives and steered clear of the corpus of historian Frank L. Klement, whose works on the “copperheads” (antiwar Democrats) in the Midwest are replete with errors. Blair’s account of their conspiracies in Indiana and neighboring states, based on Klement, unfortunately repeats them. As well, readers of the Register will want to know that archival records show the army arrested and banished Kentucky lieutenant governor Richard T. Jacob not merely for speaking against recruiting African American slaves as troops, as Blair argues, but because army spies reported that he was in communication with leaders of the Sons of Liberty, a secret organization that planned armed insurrection in the commonwealth and across the Ohio River. These shortcomings aside, Blair has produced a thoughtful work that Civil War scholars will study with profit. [End Page 123] Stephen E. Towne STEPHEN E. TOWNE is associate university archivist at Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis and...

With two colleagues, MM. Andre Guichaoua and Gabriel Le Jeune, a sociologist and an historian, who had also worked in Burundi for many years, I was able to carry out a survey at Ntega and Marangara in mid-September 1988. We did not only meet with the local notables, but also mostly with simple people who were freely consulted in the absence of any representative of the civil or military authorities. They were: -On the one hand, Tutsi peasants who had run away from the slaughters organized against them by Hutu groups on August 14 to 17 and who then were gathered in sheltering camps located in small commercial centers;

The article examines the development of the Sevastopol garrison during the first half of the XIX century, partially touches on the events of the Crimean War (1853–1856) and the defense of Sevastopol (1854–1855). Given the fragmentary nature and poor knowledge of the subject in domestic research, the main emphasis was placed on the period from 1830 to 1850. During this historical period, active work was underway to transform not only the civilian infrastructure of the city, but also the military. The subject of the study is the garrison of the 1st class fortress Sevastopol. The object of the study is the dynamics of changes in the composition of garrison troops and the construction of military control bodies in Sevastopol, as well as the land defensive line. The purpose of the study is to examine the little-studied pages of the history of Sevastopol in the first half of the XIX century. The research methodology is based on a systematic approach. Both general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison) and specialized ones were used in the work. Specialized ones include high-quality content analysis. It was revealed that during the entire period under review, a large garrison was present in Sevastopol, as part of the 1st Infantry Division (13th Infantry Division of the 5th Infantry Corps), which was due to the status of Sevastopol as a fortress of the 1st class. However, the level of organization of the military infrastructure, the weak development of the logistics system, as well as the absence of a land line of defense testified to the inconsistency of the fortress with its status on the eve of the Crimean War. The 13th Infantry Division in Sevastopol, in addition to carrying out guard duty, was actively involved in construction work, which led to regular disputes between civil and military authorities. Experienced combat officers, some of whom were veterans of the Patriotic War of 1812, became commandants of the Sevastopol fortress. The composition of the parade ground majors and adjutants in Sevastopol was subject to constant rotation.

Under the French Directory the line army was called into many parts of France to protect law and order and to shore up the regime. The authors of regional studies in the period have alluded to military presence but have failed to draw general inferences about the importance of military policing. The political ambitions of commanders-in-chief of fighting armies after the fall of Robespierre and the nature and history of operations have long been the subject of historical research, but no-one has yet investigated the nature of relations between civil and military authorities in any part of the interior that was not a war zone. The line army had been used in a policing role during the old regime and the early years of the revolution, but the advent of war in 1792 removed it to the frontiers. This suited revolutionary governments which were uncertain of its loyalty and uneasy about the reduction of discipline. In 1793 and 1794 revolutionary order was imposed instead by an increasingly centralized network of civilian elites and militias – revolutionary armies, committees, tribunals and representatives on mission – which operated by means of intimidation and civic denunciation. The dismantling of this apparatus of Terror in the year III (late 1794/5) in favour of a liberal constitution which breathed new life into the elective institutions of local government unleashed an anarchy of frustrated aspirations and hatreds born out of the turbulence of the revolutionary experience. Individuals and factions vied for control of local judicial and executive positions in order to make up revolutionary losses and to keep out their enemies.