ОБ ИРАНСКОМ ВКЛАДЕ В КАВКАЗСКИЕ И ТЮРКСКИЕ ЯЗЫКИ

The research aims to explore the etymology and semantic field of the zoonym “cow” in the linguocultural contexts of the Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic language families. The article analyzes the origin of the word “cow” in Slavic, Turkic, Romance and Germanic languages, identifying its core and additional meanings, commonalities and specific features. This analysis makes it possible to determine the national characteristics in the expression of knowledge about people, animals, and the world in mythological and religious beliefs by the native speakers. The scientific novelty of the research lies in considering the zoonym “cow” not only as a linguistic object, but also as a cultural phenomenon intertwined with history, mythology, religion, and human lifestyle. This zoonym is studied for the first time in a comparative aspect using data from Slavic, Turkic, Romance and Germanic languages, with the aim of identifying, analyzing, and describing national cultural features, similarities, and differences. As a result, the study proves that the etymology and semantics of the word “cow” in the contexts of the Indo-European, Uralic and Altaic language families display shared roots, dating back to a distant past, and indicate profound connections between the peoples. Despite some differences among the peoples who speak Slavic and Turkic languages, such as national specificity of worldview, varying living conditions, traditions, history, and religion, the words designating the cow in various linguocultures are part of a unified history, connected to the use of this animal in human life.

The Gr. κάλαμος ‘cane, a thing made of cane: pen, rural pipe, fishing rod etc.’ is the primary source of certain terms for the sweet flag (Acorus calamus L.) and numerous names for a pencil in many different languages. Namely, the Greek word was borrowed by Latin in the form calamus, with the same meaning, whence originated many Germanic terms for the sweet flag. What is more, the dialectal Pol. kalmus is a loanword from the Germ. Kalmus ‘sweet flag’. Additionally, the Gr. κάλαμος was borrowed by Arabic in the form qalam, whence the Osm. kalém. The forms in other Turkic languages are borrowings from Turkish. Some Albanian, Bulgarian and Macedonian terms for a pencil are also loanwords from the Turk. kalem ‘pen, thin brush, oblong bone’. The terms in many Caucasian languages are Arabisms. Moreover, the Russ. карандаш ‘pencil’, as well as many other contemporary forms from Altaic, Uralic and other languages, which constitute new borrowings from Russian today, are in fact compounds consisting of kalam ‘cane’ and daš ‘stone’

Questions related to the process of “sovietization” of traditional Chuvash culture are considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the fact that the processes of “sovietization” common to all the peoples of the Soviet Union are examined on the specific material of the Chuvash history collected in the process of ethnographic expeditions. Examples of changing the Chuvash tradition under the influence of cultural impact on the part of the Soviet authorities are brought to consideration. The research shows the ways of penetrating the Soviet type of culture into the people's ritual life. The authors refer to the oikonyms of settlements, anthroponyms, oral folk art and objects of a materialized culture. This material reveals innovations in the everyday life of the ethnic group and the direction of transformation of the people's views. Attention is paid to Soviet symbolism, which has become part of the Chuvash culture. The definitions of the concepts “sovietization”, "materialized culture" are given. Particular attention is paid to the change of consciousness and traditional views, which is most clearly traced in the ritual and festive practice of the Chuvashes. It shown in the research that many objects of “sovietization” retain their relevance, being a part of everyday life or acting as museum exhibits. It is proved that the incorporation of new norms and way of life into the Chuvash tradition led to the formation of a different type of culture - the Soviet one, whose elements are preserved in the modern world.

Türk dilinin Budizm ve Manihaizm temelli öğretiler temelinde gelişen kolu olan Eski Uygur Türkçesi, bu öğretilere ait felsefeleri yansıtan dinî bir edebiyatın zengin malzemeler verdiği bir dönemdir. Özellikle Budizm doğrultusunda Sanskritçe, Çince, Toharca gibi dillerden Eski Uygur Türkçesine aktarılan eserlerle, Budist anlayışı yansıtan metinler Türk dili içerisinde yazılı olarak tanıklanmıştır. Budizm doğrultusunda çeşitli dillerden Budist ve Manihaist eserleri Eski Uygur Türkçesine aktarış, Budist Uygur rahipleri tarafından gerçekleştirilmiştir. Halka anlayacağı dille bu öğretilere dayalı inançları aktarmak isteyen Uygur rahipleri, geliştirdikleri dinî terminoloji ile Türk dilinin işlenmesini sağlamıştır. Yabancı dillerden Eski Uygur Türkçesine aktarılan metinlerdeki dinî terimleri, Türkçeleştirme arayışına giren Uygur rahipleri, sahip oldukları inanç fikrini, dil bilinci ile bir araya getirmişlerdir. Bu doğrultuda, Eski Uygur Türkçesi metinlerinde görülen şireşti bayagut ifadesi, sözünü ettiğimiz Budist ve Manihaist terimlere karşı Türkçeleştirme anlayışının örneklerinden biridir. İlk kez Eski Uygur Türkçesinde görülen şireşti ve bayagut ifadelerinden oluşan şireşti bayagut ikilemesi, Budist cemaat içerisinde önemli görevlere sahip “tüccar sınıfı”nı anlatan dinî bir terimdir. Bu çalışma ile şireşti ve bayagut ifadelerinin öncelikle tanıklandığı metinlere yer verilerek bu ikileme yapısını oluşturan şireşti ve bayagut kelimeleri hakkında dilsel ve dinî değerlendirmeler dâhilinde, ifadelerin Türk dilinde ve kültüründe sahip oldukları değer ortaya konulacaktır. Bu ifadelerden özellikle bayagut sözcüğünün İslamî Türkçe metinlerde sahip olduğu farklı bir versiyonuna da değinilerek kavramın hem Budist hem de İslamî kültürde temsil ettiği kavramsal değer belirlenmeye çalışılacaktır.

This article examines the diachronic semantics of the lexeme “baklaga” of Turkic origin and its derivatives. Linguistic units extracted from historical, etymological and explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language, from sources included in the National Corpus of the Russian Language, as well as from academic research works of Russian linguists specializing in Turkology, served as the main source of the research material. Previously, from the point of view of semantic and derivational potential, the word “baklaga” was studied only as part of lexico-semantic groups and for the first time it has become the subject of a separate linguistic study. Despite the large number of turkological research works, many issues related to the coverage of the occurrence of Turkisms in the vocabulary of the Russian language require further investigation: in particular, the issues of studying the semantic and functional features of individual Turkic lexemes based on the material of the National Corpus of the Russian language. The diachronic analysis of the above-mentioned lexeme revealed that the word “baklaga”, which entered the Russian language through the Turkic languages in the meaning of “vessel for water”, has been assimilated, develops new figurative meanings and has acquired derivatives. This is due to the fact that, firstly, the lexeme entered the Russian language a relatively long time ago - the first fixation in writing was registered in the first half of the XVIII century, and, secondly, the baklaga as a container for water has been common in the everyday life of the Russian people. Currently, baklaga as a household item is practically not used, nevertheless, the word “baklaga” itself, as well as its derivative “baklazhka”, are known to modern native speakers and used in everyday speech, in particular as an element of comparative phrases, mostly based on similarities in appearance and shape. As a result of the study, it has been concluded that the entry and fixation in the Russian language of this lexeme contributed to the enrichment of the vocabulary of the Russian language.

. This article discusses the words used in the Surkhandarya Karluk dialects to denote relatives and household items. The terms of blood kinship in Turkic languages and their study are discussed. The meanings of such words in the dialects are explained. Their pronunciation in the dialects is also analyzed comparatively.

Mild cognitive impairment (MCI) is a condition commonly associated with dementia. Therefore, early prediction of progression from MCI to dementia is essential for preventing or alleviating cognitive decline. Given that dementia affects cognitive functions like language and speech, detecting disease progression through speech analysis can provide a cost-effective solution for patients and caregivers. In our study, we examined spontaneous speech (SS) and written Mini Mental Status Examination (MMSE) scores from a 60-patient dataset obtained from the Mugla University Dementia Outpatient Clinic (MUDC) and a 153-patient dataset from the Alzheimer's Dementia Recognition through Spontaneous Speech (ADRess) challenge. Our study, for the first time, analyzed the impact of audio features extracted from SS in distinguishing between different degrees of cognitive impairment using both an Indo-European language and a Turkic language, which exhibit distinct word order, agglutination, noun cases, and grammatical markers. When each machine learning model was tested on its respective trained language, we attained a 95% accuracy using the random forest classifier on the ADRess dataset and a 94% accuracy on the MUDC dataset employing the multilayer perceptron (MLP) neural network algorithm. In our second experiment, we evaluated the effectiveness of each language-specific machine learning model on the dataset of the other language. We achieved accuracies of 72% for English and 76% for Turkish, respectively. These findings underscore the cross-language potential of audio features for automated tracking of cognitive impairment progression in MCI patients, offering a convenient and cost-effective option for clinicians or patients.

Is playing sports some kind of ritual? In sports we found certain repetitive moves, such as ”free throws” in basketball games, ”ball servings” in tennis, and ”shooting” in archery, but what do all these repetitive, fixed, and technical related moves do? Why do some scholars name these ”repetitive moves” with a religious term ”ritual”? Do raise the national flag or ignite the Olympic torch in sports event also relate to rituals? This research intended to figure out the existence and function of sport rituals, furthermore to find out what content and categories sport rituals contain. Lastly, to identify whether playing sport can be a ritual within life. This paper generally based on the structure of ”Separation-Transition-Incorporation” in ”Rites of passage” by Arnold van Gennep, and following researches done by Victor Turner. From the microscopic view of ”free throw ritual” to the macroscopic view of ”Sport Ritual,” by using the same structure of Separation-Transition-Incorporation, this research examined the impact of ”Liminality” and its insight. This paper reveals the existence of ”The Sport Ritual,” and could be put into two categories, namely ”Ritual of Techniques” and ”Ritual of Culture Representation.” The moves of free throw and shooting can be the examples of the former ritual, while the latter would be raising national flag before the game. Furthermore, The Ritual of Cultural Representation could be recognized as ”Cohesion Ritual,” ”Symbol Ritual” and ”Violence Ritual” etc. The answer to whether playing sport can be a ritual within life is certain; people go to gym regularly just as going to church every Sunday. Though the feeling, place, and content are quite different, but in terms of the rhythm of life and the effect as life rituals like wedding or funeral, playing sport has indeed became new ritual in modern life. The key concept is that through participating sport people can break the social norms and gap between races, culture, age, gender, and social class. Taking Hawaii triathlon for example, people from different ages, races, social status can all attend it. Thus it signifies the value of playing sport.

The title of this book is somewhat misleading, because only the first two of the seventeen articles contained in it are straightforwardly historical. Of the remaining fifteen, one has a literary subject and the rest are essentially concerned with linguistic issues, most of them with different manifestations of the impact that the Turkic and Iranian languages have had upon each other during the one-and-a-half millennia (at least) that the speakers of those languages have lived in contact with each other. The book, which is of a high academic standard, is the outcome of an interdisciplinary research project based at the Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz and led by Lars Johanson, well known for his own work in Turcology and language contact studies. Peter B. Golden’s ‘Turks and Iranians: an historical sketch’ provides the essential historical context for the ‘symbiosis’ of the Turkic and Iranian peoples from the earliest centuries ad down to the Ottoman period. Bringing in linguistic evidence where available, Golden documents the important cultural role of the commercially successful Soghdians, an Iranian people, in mediating between the nomadic Turks of Central Asia and sedentary society in pre-Islamic times. This kind of interaction is seen as the precursor of the role played by Iranian bureaucrats in the administration of the early Turkic Muslim dynasties in the Near East and the Indian subcontinent.

The paper analyzes changes in the ethnic composition of the population of Stavropol krai and the transformation of its ethnic map from 1959 to 2010. It has been determined that the geographical position and the demographic and migration situation are the main reasons for the dynamics of these processes. Stavropol krai is a kind of contact zone between Orthodoxy and Islam and between the areas of the settlement patterns of ethnic groups of the Indo-European, North Caucasian, and Altaic language families. The proximity of Stavropol krai to Dagestan, Chechnya, North Ossetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, and Karachay-Cherkessia largely explains the multiethnicity of its population. In moments of extreme migration activity, the krai’s territory was turned into a kind of corridor for migration, a buffer zone, and a transit area. Foreign migrants, mainly from South Caucasian countries, have made a great contribution to the modern ethnic composition of the krai’s population. Five stages can be distinguished in the structural dynamics of Stavropol krai’s ethnic population in since 1959: very stable, stable, turning, dynamic, and relatively dynamic. At the present stage, Stavropol krai has centers of multiethnicity, an ethnic semiperiphery, and an ethnic periphery.

The Structure of Imitative Words in Indo-European and Turkic Languages

Estonian vernacular words for ‘mother’ and ‘father’ In 20th-century Estonian dialects, in familiar informal speech, the words nänn, nann, eit, äidi (and other variants), emm, memm, mamma (mammi), moor, and mutt (muti) were used as synonyms for the standard ema ‘mother’, while the words ätt, att, taat, tata, tätä, and papa (papi) were used as synonyms for the standard isa ‘father’. The oldest of these are eit, emm, nänn ‘mother’ and ätt, taat ‘father’ along with other variants of these stems. Alongside the older words, also used in 20th-century Estonian were the relatively recent German loans mamma and papa, which were regarded as snobbish until roughly the middle of the century. In the 1960s, the Estonian caregiver speech forms emme ‘mum’ < ema and a bit later issi ‘dad’ < isa began to grow in popularity. Today, these have evolved into nearly standard terms of endearment. The informal names are typically used only family-internally, and therefore neutral, so-called formal terms of address are preferred when talking to strangers. The concept of ‘parents’ was expressed in the vernacular typically by a coordinate structure, such as eit ja taat, memm ja taat, mamma-papa etc., literally ‘mother and father’. Some of these were used in particular dialect regions, e.g. nänn ja ätt in the Mulgi dialect, emm ning taet on the island of Saaremaa, eit ja at́t on Kihnu. The meaning shifts ‘mother’ > ‘grandmother’ and ‘father’ > ‘grandfather’ are connected with the introduction of new words denoting mother and father. The choice of names has also been influenced by the dialect background of the parent or grandparent or the tradition of his/her hometown/region and family. In addition, the meaning of these words has expanded to also cover notions such as ‘lady/man of the house; spouse; old woman/man’. In some cases, polysemous foreign words are borrowed with the polysemy preserved, e.g. moor < Estonian Swedish mor ‘mother; woman; wife’. In Estonian, we find the same structures as in many Indo-European and Turkic languages: words for ‘father’ are often formed from syllables containing the plosive p (b) or t (d) and the vowel a, while words for ‘father’ have the nasal m or n instead of the plosive. Some of the words used in Estonian are borrowings, although not all of their origins are clear. Names for parents which resemble one another in structure and phonemic composition in numerous languages not in contact with one another are considered to derive from local child or caregiver language forms. The analysis of Estonian words for ‘mother’ and ‘father’ compared to the equivalents in related and contact languages indicates that the division of longtime dialect words into the categories of “formal” and “informal” is quite complicated and may eliminate interesting opportunities for comparison.

Let us start by paying homage to the immense work which Georges Dumezil, who was born in 1898, has done over an immense territory, inside and outside the cultures we call Indo-European. A formidable linguist, Dumezil, as is well known, has produced enough work on the Caucasian languages to ensure for himself a permanent place in that field. He has virtually saved the evidence of a dying language, Ubykh, which about ten years ago was still being spoken in Turkish villages near the Sea of Marmara by a few dozen elderly people, the descendants of refugees from the Russian occupation of their native country. He has furthermore contributed to the comparative grammar of the northwestern group of Caucasian languages and has edited and translated texts in some of them. It is also known that Dumezil extended his linguistic and cultural interests to Chinese and to the Indian languages of America. We also owe to him most of what we know about the heroic traditions of the Ossetes, the Indo-European-speakers of the Caucasus, who have a claim to be considered the survivors of the ancient Scythian nation. While his first book on the Ossetes, Les leigendes sur les Nartes, goes back to 1930, the most recent one, at least to my knowledge, is Romans de Scythie et d'alentour which appeared in 1978. There is practically no Indo-European language with which Dumezil has not worked. Sanskrit, Old Persian, Icelandic, and Irish texts have been interpreted by him in an original way which is simply enviable. The stature of the scholar Dumezil is beyond question. But I think we have to ask ourselves whether his method is legitimate. Dumezil's extraordinary career and success are understandable only if placed where they belong: with the contrasting and not always coherent trends of French sociological and political thought from the end of the First World War to the present day. In more than sixty years Dumezil has had time to support successively the ideology of Indo-European supremacy, the school of Durkheim or rather of Durkheim's nephew Marcel Mauss the linguistics of Benveniste, and the structuralism of Levi-Strauss -and occasionally he has been supported by them. The latest paradox is that Dumezil, while remaining the darling of the extreme right, to which he may originally have belonged, has

Turks value their daughters and take care to give them the most beautiful name. For this reason, they tried to give them names related to the names of valuable items. Especially among Kazakh girls, we often see names related to the most precious stones, precious metals, rare types of fabric or silk, expensive leather Decals. For example, Kazakh women's names such as Altyn, Altyngul, Altynay, Kumis, Kumisay, Kumiszhan, Inzhu, Monshak, Asyltas, Gaukhar, Zarina, Altynzer, Zere, Ayzere, Marzhan, Meruyert, Lagyl, Firuza, Sapura, Almasgul, Zubarzhat, Marmara are names related to precious stones and precious metals. The names of rare fabrics and names related to expensive types of silk will include names such as Jibek, Makpal, Masaty, Torgyn, Torka, Shuga, Kamka, Barshyn, Barsha, Katipa, Kyrmyzy, Duria, Patsayi, Bates. On the other hand, the names often used by Kazakhs are Kundyz, Kamshat, Jannat, Ukizhan, we believe that they are associated with expensive names made of leather and rare bird feathers. Among the names that we will consider, there are female names associated with monetary names. For example, the female names Dinara, Dilda, Manat were formed from words meaning money and gold coins. This article will provide statistics on the spread or spread of such female names in Kazakhstan and in Turkic-speaking countries. Nevertheless, an attempt will be made to find the origin of the names mentioned, using dictionaries of historical or living Turkic languages and neighboring languages.

Formulation of the problem. European migration processes, which Ukraine is actively involved with, require research, as they lead to redistribution of labor resources between countries, cause a series of serious demographic and socio-economic problems. The purpose of the research is to determine the historical and legal preconditions for the development of a modern state of regulation of economic migration processes and its contractual and legal support for identifying promising areas of economic cooperation. The object of the research is the economic relations of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland as subjects of international economic cooperation in the historical legal context of state formation. Methods used in the research. The methodological basis for the study is the system of scientific methods used in the complex to achieve the goal and solve the tasks. So the dialectical method made it possible to justify the cause of the consequential events in the process of the formation and development of Ukrainian-Polish economic relations. The historical method has been used in studying the historical experience of the chronology of events and facts that allowed to distinguish the periods of development of such relations. In order to obtain research findings, also general scientific system and logical methods are used. The study of legal provisions, treaties, separate norms and concepts required the application of special legal and comparative legal methods. The international conventions of bilateral treaties, legislative acts of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland, reference books, etc. have become an empirical basis. The hypothesis of research. Ukrainian research hypothesis European links in migration processes have a long history due to geographical closeness and common border. The ties between Ukraine and the EU member states had periods of rise and fall. Their main feature was evolution in the continuous expansion and deepening of interregional cooperation in economic life. The statement of basic materials. The development of economic migration processes of their contractual legal and institutional support Ukraine began in the last decades of the twentieth century. Changed the composition of the workers in which interested European countries in the field of high technologies, biotechnology, education, health care taking countries have increased the flow of skilled labor migrants. One of the main motives for emigration for qualified specialists in Ukraine is the difference in the level of remuneration, socio-cultural system, legal system, ecological situation, the state's economy. Originality and practical significance of the research is to use its theoretical positions in the scientific research area for further general theoretical studies of the formation and development of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation as a theoretical basis for improving the further regulation of economic migration processes, including at the interregional and transboundary level when making legal decisions. Conclusions of research. A comprehensive study of the source of domestic and foreign historiography has proved that the economic migration processes of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland are historically predetermined by the process of two states with a common history and a common border based on the principles of economic relations and are in close connection with the internal socio-economic and political development of the two neighboring states.