Правовая идеология: возможность структурно-функционального подхода.

The paper is dedicated to the analysis of the communicative law function, which is the basis of the modern interaction between social state and civil society in the era of the digital law formation. In the context of modern digital society and state, we need to take into account the specificity of understanding and classification of the law functions. Communication is one of the most important characteristics of modern digital state and law. In this regard, the paper considers the communicative law function both socially and legally. Socially, the communicative function is considered as an informational one. In this regard, it is essential for the legal culture, legal education and legal consciousness. Communicative function as a social one involves understanding of the interaction between society and law from a position of the linguistic para digm. With this concept, the legal system is seen as a system of communication between subjects based on the autonomy of the individual. In the modern digital state communication as a social function of law is a basis of legitimization of legal acts. The legal consciousness is an important condition for law recognition. Along with the social function, communication plays an important role as a legal one. In this aspect, communicative action is connected to the regulatory and the protective functions of law. Communication plays a key role in the modern legal regulation due to the extension of its subject. The functioning of law in modernity has its own specifics with regard to the process of society juridification under conditions of law modernization and fulfilment of the state social function. The juridification consists in the fact that legal norms replace other social rules. Regulation of the majority of social relations through legal functions leads to the need to take into account communicative connections in society. Legal functions of law in the modern society should use the principle of deliberation in law to achieve their goals. Communication in its functional aspect is deemed a necessary foundation of an effective legal regulation and legal policy.

This article delineates the areas where there might be same consonance between the dynamics underlying the present interest in Southeast Asia in the nation of civil society and those linked to the current reassessment of the discourse and practice of security in the region. The areas where tensions can be expected between these two sets of dynamics are also considered. An attempt is then made to establish the policy parameters which, under such circumstances, should guide the regional debate on these issues. The central argument advanced in this context is that it is now possible to create in Southeast Asia mechanisms allowing for a degree of synergy between the development of civil society and that of regional security which will be beneficial to both of these processes. Introduction Civil society has traditionally been conceived of by its proponents as a site of resistance against two forces: that of the state and that of the market. [1] In societies where the state apparatus and the nature of economic development are seen as creating forces of social inequality and exclusion, the exponents of civil society have argued that it can help constitute a space where critiques of these forces can be formulated and alternative trajectories of political and economic development propounded. This explains the wide appeal of the concept in current debates on the different scenarios for the reconstruction and development of Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the Asian economic crisis. If the current period is to mark a reassessment of the prevalent models of economic and political development in the region, the argument goes, then civil society represents an ideal standpoint from which to ensure that the reconstruction of regional and domestic politico-economic frameworks gives pride of place to more participatory and egalitarian processes and institutions. The rising demand for more participatory and egalitarian models of governance is also very much at the heart of the ongoing reconceptualization of domestic and regional security, as required by the recent upheavals in the region. [2] Security in Southeast Asia has been framed conventionally and quite exclusively in terms of the strength and sustainability of state-building and economic development, which have been at the top of the agenda of the countries in the region. The multi-level crisis which unfolded in mid-1997, however, appears to have ushered in a broader understanding of the different underlying factors which come into play in these processes and must, therefore, be considered part of the security equation. The importance, for example, of widening the space for public participation in development planning and implementation is now better recognized as one of these factors, which the crisis revealed as a necessary precondition to further economic and political growth. There are also dissimilarities, however, between the inner logic pursued by the proponents of civil society and that animating current debates on the reformulation of security in Southeast Asia. For its supporters, civil society is both a process and a goal: it is through the development of civil society that political and economic frameworks in the region can be made more democratic, and it is the presence of a strong and effervescent civil society which will, in the end, be proof of the success of that enterprise. The process of security reformulation, however, has, first of all, involved a much more disparate set of actors. Concepts of security are, of course, being debated within official channels, and these channels also bring into play a series of more informal networks which involve, for instance, academics, linked tacitly or more overtly to official circles. In turn, this structure, whereby Track One (official) and Track Two (unofficial) actors interact on issues of security, offers points of contact with civil society actors (dubbed Track Three in this milieu). …

The article is dedicated to revealing the nature of legal ideology, defining the quality of current academic research on the concept of legal ideology in contemporary theory of law, evaluating the corre-lation between the concept of legal ideology and the concept of legal doctrine. The article is purported to elaborate on the concept of legal ideology and to define its place in the system of theoretical legal concepts, its’ correlation with the concept of legal doctrine. Methodological basis of current research is formed by general scientific procedures such as analy-sis and synthesis, deductive and inductive reasoning, which allowed author to define the correlation of theoretical concepts. Some elements of system approach were also used in the present research with purpose of identifying the systematic qualities of legal ideology, its’ functions in the legal system. As a result of current research author expressed his understanding of the nature of legal ideology, defined the concept of legal ideology and evaluated the current state of scientific research in contempo-rary theoretical jurisprudence, revealed the foundations of legal ideology and defined its’ functions in legal system. Legal ideology is examined by an author as integral, possessing internal unity, mechanism of in-fluence of the system of ideas created on the basis of philosophical or religious doctrines on public, group and individual legal consciousness with the purpose of legitimation (delegitimation) of the sys-tem of positive law, legal practice, reinforcing unity and reproduction of the legal system by means of transformation of legal ideas into the normative mindset of addressee and forming the corresponding models of legal behavior. Legal ideology has functional nature; it is designed to present in conscious-ness of an addressee certain values as true, self-evident, natural and universal and to define the percep-tion of legal reality and model of legal behavior corresponding to such values. Legal ideology produces and reproduces legal reality (legal ideas, norms and the relations) and expresses it in the form of mental structures inseparably linked with the ideas of justice, measure (norm), freedom, equality, order and the law.

The problem ofjustifying democracy arises when a society sees the need for cooperative, collective action. Collective action may be needed to solve coordination problems, public goods problems, Prisoner's Dilemmas, and other structural problems of human interaction or perhaps to realize common ideals of justice in concrete political institutions. Once the need for collective action is established, one must ask how the goals of a cooperative endeavor are to be secured. Cooperation requires that individuals, at least over a specified range of activity, pursue a joint strategy. To assure voluntary compliance in a joint venture, cooperation must be to each person's advantage. However, each person may have an incentive to induce others to cooperate and to defect from the joint strategy in the hope of enjoying the fruits of cooperation without incurring the opportunity costs of compliance. This is the essence of the Prisoner's Dilemma, and considerations of this sort suggest that if collective action is to succeed, policies or strategies formed collectively must be coercively enforceable. Coercion, however, requires justification. Because solving the problem of rational noncompliance requires that collective decisions be coercively enforceable, the rules by which collective decisions are reached require justification. Douglas Rae neatly puts the problem of justification that emerges when political solutions are coercively enforceable as follows: "Once a political community has decided which of its members are to participate directly in the making of collective policy, an important question remains: 'How many of them must agree before a policy is imposed on the community?"" This is essentially the question to which the principle of democratic rule provides an answer: by what process are collective decisions to be made? Answering Rae's question requires a normative framework. We could say that a procedure for making collective decisions is justified if and

The article is devoted to the problem of research of the axiological sphere of public relations in the concepts of modern political philosophy. In modern conditions, it should be noted the emergence of a new qualitative feature of sociality - the influence of metaphysical reflections on the state of social relations. The most acute problem in social research remains the persistent crisis of human existence, the trends of which reveal destructive realities that provoke a negative outlook for social development. This provokes the proliferation of subjectivist interpretations of the main categories of social and political philosophy. New forms of nihilism not only question the content of traditional values, but also attempt to eliminate values as such from the system of forms of social consciousness. In the fundamentals of the philosophical approach, the reason for this state of affairs can be stated as extreme forms of individualism. This suggests that the modern era can be considered as a stage of fulfillment of prophecies of metaphysical reflections on the inadmissibility of unification and depersonalization of man. In particular, the complexity of the category of justice has always been associated in philosophy with the need to solve the problem of the relationship between the general and the singular in being. This article substantiates the special importance of the principle of justice in revealing the current state of public relations. In modern conditions, the concepts of social and political philosophy maintain continuity with the previous analysis of this phenomenon in terms of revealing the problems of justice through the problems of equality and human dignity. That is why the relationship between two social principles remains debatable - the principle of justice and the principle of legitimacy. At the same time, due to significant changes in the social environment, special attention is needed to analyze the influence of philosophical reflections on the modern understanding of justice. In particular, this article highlights the importance in modern conditions of distinguishing the understanding of justice as the foundation of social institutions and justice as a virtue of an individual. This trend arises from the inevitability of recognizing the traditional consideration of the principle of justice in connection with the category of the common good. Due to the changing forms of social normativity in modern society, modern concepts of political philosophy pay attention to the destructive risks of attempts to formalize the norms of justice. The latter poses a threat to the stability of virtue in human life. At the same time, a certain epistemological bias in the analysis of the principle of justice becomes clear due to the influence of philosophical reflections. This is evidenced by the logic of the available research: from the analysis of everyone’s reasoned judgments about justice to the study of the real principles of justice, taking into account all relations of normativity. The principle of justice is derived from human needs, but it is still linked to the principles of equality, merit and neediness. There is a continuity with the thesis of previous concepts that justice in general is achievable only with an active human position in achieving the common Good. At the same time, in connection with the processes of digitalization of public relations today, it is necessary to take into account the anthropogenic impact on the principle of justice, but this is particularly indicated by the concepts of the political philosophy of technology. The complexity of social analysis actualizes the researchers’ appeal to the legacy of the Marxist school, in particular, to the principle of a materialistic understanding of history formulated in this school. The tendency to focus on the axiological consequences of Marxism is noteworthy. In particular, the article critically refuted the idea that Marx insisted on recognizing exploitation as fair. Attempts to interpret the Marxist school through the justification of some metaphysical Evil in it are fraught with a syncretic identification of the moral norm and the principle of justice. The reason for such trends is the ontological confusion of value and evaluation. Modern researchers recognize the effectiveness of applying the principle of a materialistic understanding of history in analyzing destructive phenomena in society. The analysis of the principle of justice states the need to turn to the principle of radical criticism, justified by Marx, which makes it possible to identify the dependence of the formation of political principles of society on the principle of justice.

Previous articleNext article No AccessIdeology and the Organization of Conflict: On the Relationship Between Political Thought and BehaviorSamuel H. BarnesSamuel H. Barnes Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 28, Number 3Aug., 1966 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2128155 Views: 48Total views on this site Citations: 21Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1966 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Arvid Lindh Public Support for Corporate Social Responsibility in the Welfare State: Evidence from Sweden, Scandinavian Political Studies 38, no.11 (Aug 2014): 75–94.https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12035 Michael Hechter From Class to Culture Michael Hechter, American Journal of Sociology 110, no.22 (Jul 2015): 400–445.https://doi.org/10.1086/421357Paul Webb, Paul G. Lewis The lessons of comparative politics: Russian political parties as independent variables?, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 14, no.1-21-2 (Mar 1998): 253–264.https://doi.org/10.1080/13523279808415377John Gerring Ideology: A Definitional Analysis, Political Research Quarterly 50, no.44 (Jul 2016): 957–994.https://doi.org/10.1177/106591299705000412Leonardo Morlino Consolidation and Party Government in Southern Europe, International Political Science Review 16, no.22 (Apr 1995): 145–167.https://doi.org/10.1177/019251219501600203Cees P. Middendorp Models for Predicting the Dutch Vote along the Left-Right and the Libertarianism-Authoritarianism Dimensions, International Political Science Review 10, no.44 (Oct 1989): 279–308.https://doi.org/10.1177/019251218901000401Aaron Wildavsky Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions: A Cultural Theory of Preference Formation, American Political Science Review 81, no.11 (Aug 2014): 3–21.https://doi.org/10.2307/1960776Diane Sainsbury The End of Ideology Debate Revisited: An Appraisal of Definitional and Theoretical Issues*, Scandinavian Political Studies 9, no.22 (Oct 2007): 111–128.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00340.x Peter McDonough , Samuel H. Barnes , and Antonio López Pina Authority and Association: Spanish Democracy in Comparative Perspective, The Journal of Politics 46, no.33 (Oct 2015): 652–688.https://doi.org/10.2307/2130851Peter McDonough, Antonio López Pina, Samuel H. Barnes The Spanish Public in Political Transition, British Journal of Political Science 11, no.11 (Jan 2009): 49–79.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400002453Stephen Earl Bennett, Robert Oldendick, Alfred J. Tuchfarber, George F. Bishop Education and mass belief systems: An extension and some new questions, Political Behavior 1, no.11 (Jan 1979): 53–72.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00988521Robert Leonardi OPINIONI POLITICHE DELLE CORRENTI DEMOCRISTIANE IN EMILIA-ROMAGNA, Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 4, no.22 (Jun 2016): 387–407.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0048840200011047Samuel Long, Ruth Long The Influence of Political Ideology on the Perception of the Socioculturally Disadvantaged, Education and Urban Society 6, no.11 (Nov 1973): 102–126.https://doi.org/10.1177/001312457300600106Ruth Long, Samuel Long Sociopolitical Ideology as a Correlate of Teacher-Candidates' Attitudes Concerning Poverty and the Disadvantaged, Urban Education 8, no.33 (Aug 2016): 249–270.https://doi.org/10.1177/004208597383005Jeff Fishel On the Transformation of Ideology in European Political Systems, Comparative Political Studies 4, no.44 (Jun 2016): 406–437.https://doi.org/10.1177/001041407200400402Giuseppe Di Palma CONFLITTO E ÉLITES NELLE SOCIETÀ INDUSTRIALI, Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 1, no.33 (Jun 2016): 481–513.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0048840200013873Robert D. Putnam Studying Elite Political Culture: The Case of “Ideology”, American Political Science Review 65, no.33 (Aug 2014): 651–681.https://doi.org/10.2307/1955512D. W. Urwin Social Cleavages and Political Parties in Belgium: Problems of Institutionalization, Political Studies 18, no.33 (Sep 1970): 320–340.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1970.tb00437.xJoel D. Aberbach, Jack L. Walker The Meanings of Black Power: A Comparison of White and Black Interpretations of a Political Slogan, American Political Science Review 64, no.22 (Aug 2014): 367–388.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953839Frederic J. Fleron, Rita Mae Kelly Personality, behaviour and communist ideology, Soviet Studies 21, no.33 (Nov 2007): 297–313.https://doi.org/10.1080/09668137008410711Robert A. Schoenberger Conservatism, Personality and Political Extremism, American Political Science Review 62, no.0303 (Aug 2014): 868–877.https://doi.org/10.2307/1953436

Social Networks, Civil Society, Democracy and Rule of Law: A New Conceptual Framework

The essence of the concept of political ideology, its role in the development of society, and the interpretation of ideology in the teachings of Eastern and Western thinkers are studied. A comparative analysis of the political doctrines of Eastern thinkers such as Abu Nasr Farabi, Amir Timur, Western scholars Destut de Tracy, Mannheim, Gramshi, Gouldner, Voloshinov on political ideology is carried out. In the course of the research, the role of ideology in the management of society, ensuring social stability, and the formation of state and civil relations is analyzed. The main goal of the research is to illuminate the theoretical foundations of the concept of political ideology, to reveal how the issue of ideology was interpreted in the views of Eastern and Western thinkers, and to analyze the influence of these views on modern political processes. The methodological basis of the research is historical-comparative analysis, a systematic approach, the logical-analytical method - a comparative study of the views of Eastern and Western thinkers, an analysis of the role of ideology in the political system as a whole, a logical interpretation of the concept of political ideology and its elements. The research results will serve as additional educational material for students studying political science, philosophy, history, and social sciences. Ideological aspects of the teachings of Eastern thinkers - although there are commonalities between Eastern and Western political thought, their ideological foundations differ significantly. In the East, politics is harmonized with spiritual and moral values, while in the West, emphasis is placed on the political system, law, and civil rights. At the same time, the common goal of both schools is the formation of a just society and ensuring the stability of society. Thus, by identifying the commonalities and differences in the views of Eastern and Western thinkers, it is possible to determine which ideas are of priority importance in modern political processes. It will also be possible to determine the influence of various political ideologies on public consciousness, their role in the formation of management systems, and their contribution to the development of political culture. Key words: idea, ideology, political ideology, western ideology, eastern ideology

Unlike many of the books published to coincide with the 500th anniversary of the Reformation initiated by Martin Luther, the focus of this book is neither the events of the 16th century nor the significance of the Reformation for theology and church history. Instead, this volume is intended to reflect the importance of the Reformation for civil society today. Thirty relatively short contributions are organized around seven main areas: the Reformation jubilee; state and society; Protestantism, values, and political culture; churches and civil society; economy and ecology; the social question; and European and international civil society. The authors include university academics, activists, and those in leadership positions in church-related institutions and agencies, coming from German-speaking Europe. In a review such as this, it is impossible to do justice to all the contributions, touching on issues as diverse as gender equality, the role of local churches in civil society, social policy, civil disobedience, development issues, just war and military intervention, and the role of lay people within the church. While some contributions make explicit reference to the 16th-century Reformation and its impact, for others the focus is the contemporary role of the church in society. For those interested in a discussion about the relationship between the Reformation and the modern state and society, the first two sections on the “Reformation jubilee” (3–39) and on “state and society” (31–58) are of particular importance. The essays by Peter Maser of the University of Münster (“History of the Reformation Jubilees” (3–10)) and Thies Gundlach, vice-president of the Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD) (“Culture of remembrance and structuring commemorations” (11–19)) are particularly pertinent contributions to a consideration of the memorialization of the Reformation anniversary since the 16th century. Maser provides a historical overview of previous anniversaries, while Gundlach identifies the tension between presenting past events and highlighting the relevance of the Reformation for contemporary society. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the focus of the essays is the situation in Germany, and more particularly the relationship between church and society as it developed in West Germany following the Second World War. Only one contribution, that of Markus Meckel, a pastor and activist in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) who served as GDR foreign minister after the free elections of 1990, explicitly deals with the heritage of civil society and the Protestant churches in East Germany. Overall there seems little consideration of contemporary changes in the German religious landscape, seen maybe most dramatically in eastern Germany, the heartland of the Reformation, which is also one of the least religious territories in Europe. While 40 years of communist rule undoubtedly played a particular role in shaping the decline of religious adherence in eastern Germany, there are also major shifts taking place in the former West Germany, especially in the cities. Moreover, apart from the essay by Jeannette Behringer (“European Civil Society and the Role of Protestant Churches”), there is little consideration of the relationship between Protestantism and civil society as it has developed in other European countries, and just one essay, “The Reformers Were Never in Africa,” by Volker Faigle, deals with the situation outside Europe. This may be explained by the overall shape of this volume, and the choice of authors, but given the oft-made claim that the Reformation was a global event, it might have been worth giving greater consideration to the relationship between the Reformation and civil society outside Germany. Notwithstanding such reservations, this volume provides an easily accessible range of contributions on the relationship between church and society, 500 years after the Reformation. Dr Stephen G. Brown is editor of The Ecumenical Review.

The article discusses the functional relationship of legal ideology with the subjects of law enforcement, namely, the essential and natural functions of legal ideology in relation to the state apparatus, civil society, and at the individual level - the individual, as subjects of the law enforcement mechanism. The main essential functions of legal ideology are also singled out directly in relation to the subjects of the law enforcement mechanism, as a segment of the mechanism under consideration united by one goal. Also, special attention is paid to dysfunctions of legal ideology in the of law enforcement mechanism, resulting from the contradiction between essential and natural functions. The author comes to the conclusion that the main essential functions of legal ideology in relation to the subjects of law enforcement are the function of ensuring legal policy, the function of forming sense of justice, as well as the function of ensuring the unity of legal practice.

It is indicated that the constitution in the modern state is the basis of the legal system, that is, it determines its normative component (legislation and other sources of law), as well as the system of state institutions, legal ideology, and legal consciousness. Thus, the Constitution defines the entire paradigm of constitutional and legal relations in one or another period of state development. At the same time, the transformation of ideas about the content of the constitution also reflects social and political processes.The article is devoted to the study of the process of formation and development of constitutionalism, the understanding of the term “constitution” and the idea that philosophers invested in this concept, looking for a better model of a stable political system of the state. The article analyzes the term “constitution” in historical retrospect and how it correlates with the understanding of constitutionalism in modern legal literature. The homeland of constitutionalism was the ancient Greek polis, and the main theoretician in this field was Aristotle, who, based on the study of the constitutions of the polis of his era, came to the conclusion that the best model of a constitution is a mixed constitution, since it is this model that guarantees a stable political system. An example of a mixed constitution was the constitution of Sparta. According to the opinion of Polybius and Cicero, the model of a mixed constitution was characteristic of Ancient Rome as well. The model of the mixed constitution was accepted by modern constitutionalism as a guide.The article concludes that the constitution in a narrow sense was understood as an institutional arrangement with an indication of who has access to governing bodies and can participate in decision making. Thus, it was about state management. The constitution, in a normative sense, was designed to adapt a just system of government to the nature and purpose of the community of citizens.

The main purpose of the article is to substantiate the theoretical, methodological and analytical foundations of tourism development based on recreational potential in modern conditions. The current difficult economic situation in the world in general and in Ukraine in particular makes it really relevant to study the problems of achieving sustainable socio-economic development of the country. In the modern world, recreation and tourism are considered to be extremely important areas of socio-economic activity. The importance of recreational tourism in modern society is extremely high, as it has an impact on all sectors of society, including cultural, economic and social life. The study of tourism development in the Kyiv region can help identify opportunities to increase economic activity in the region. The Kyiv region has a rich recreational and tourist potential to attract tourists. The study of this potential can identify natural, cultural and historical resources that can be used for tourism development. The following research methods were used to write this article: deduction, induction, analysis and synthesis, argumentation, abstraction, abstract-logical, statistical and economic, system analysis, integrated and systemic approaches, traditional methods and techniques of economic analysis (tabular, graphical). The article deals with theoretical aspects and practical features of tourism development based on its recreational potential in modern conditions. The essence, content and role of the recreational and tourist potential in the socio-economic development of territories are revealed. The analysis of the recreational and tourist potential in the territory of the Kyiv region is carried out. The recreational and tourist potential of the Kyiv region is estimated. The practical significance of the results obtained lies in the analysis and generalization of statistical and theoretical practical data of scientific research by scientists, the assessment calculation of the recreational and tourist potential of the Kyiv region and the identification of problems and prospects for the development of recreational tourism in the Kyiv region.

The author presents an element which she values as fundamental in her understanding of the role to be played by a political science with a scope from the South; that of the relationship that exists between a certain type of political philosophy and a new science of political behavior. The excluding role of Western political science towards the vast majority of world population and its confinement to the model offered by the countries that were the center of the industrial revolution conducts this science to its progressive exhaustion. New political science will be identified by inclusion and by the elimination of the reproduction of elite domination at the national and world levels. Given its status of alternative science in construction, metapolitology occupies a relevant place as a mediator for political philosophy that will assess the introduction of terms that become concepts and historical peculiarities that transform into identities resulting from plural changes that take place in real movement.

'Civil society', 'the market' and 'democracy' are the conceptual 'good guys' that dominate current Western thinking about China's present and future in the social, economic and political realms respectively. Though these ideas are often used in imprecise and tendentious ways, they have considerable analytical and practical power; they reflect real processes and point toward real solutions. This paper sets out to examine how useful the notion of 'civil society' is in describing and explaining social change in contemporary Chinese society. I shall proceed, flrst, by clarifying the specific way in which I intend to use the term 'civil society' and, second, by investigating the empirical utility of the idea through a case-study of one Chinese city.

Society-centered views of political and economic transformation have never held the unchallenged sway in Latin America that they have in North America. The prevalence of “organic statist” models of society that assume a central and relatively autonomous role for the state has affected both policy makers and social scientists. Beginning in the late 1960s, focus on the state became particularly intense. The erosion of the intellectual credibility of the society-centered “modernization” model of political and economic development coincided with the apparent exhaustion of both industrialization based on import substitution and the associated populist and parliamentary political regimes that were associated with it. The assumptions of modernization theory that liberal democratic regimes would be inexorably produced by the process of industrialization was replaced by a new preoccupation with the ways in which the state apparatus might become a central instrument for both the repression of subordinate classes and the reorientation of the process of industrial development. This new concern is perhaps best exemplified in the seminal work of Guillermo O'Donnell on bureaucratic authoritarian (BA) regimes. A BA regime was associated with (if not necessarily responsible for) an impressive episode of industrialization (in the Brazilian case). Such regimes also proved to be extremely effective at fragmenting, atomizing, and inhibiting potential oppositional collectivities. The initial period of the BA was one in which the civil society lost its capacity to generate new political and economic initiatives while the power of the state grew. Thus, analysis of the actions and initiatives of groups operating within the state apparatus became a central focus of social science research.