羅博總統任內(2010-2014) 中國投資宏都拉斯「巴杜卡三號」水力發電廠計畫

After the Second World War, a bipolar world, known as the Cold War Era, has been clearly formed between the Western Bloc and Communist Bloc while the United States and the Soviet Union at the peak on each side. In Eastern Europe, the United States was restrained and felt helpless about Soviet expansion in this area with the perception of Yalta system. On the other hand, in Asia, with the breakdown of talks, an all-out war resumed. A Chinese civil war fought between Kuomintang (also as KMT or Chinese National Party) and Chinese Communist Party (CCP). At the end of 1948, KMT has occupied the inferior position. In the early period of 1949, CCP forces crossed the Yangtze River and successfully captured Nanking, the capital of KMT’s Republic of China (PRC) government. On October 1, 1949, Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) with its capital at Beiping, which was renamed Beijing. Chiang Kai-shek and millions of Nationalist Chinese retreated from mainland China to the island of Taiwan. Confronted with the CCP takeover of mainland China, the United States came to reformulate its China Policy which later marked a turning point in Sino-American relationship during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950. In June 1948, the leader of Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito, was officially denounced and his party, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), was ejected as a member of the Cominform by the Soviet Union. Since the West branded Tito a Soviet puppet for his loyalty and constancy of faith to Stalinism, the Tito-Stalin Split presented a whole new realm of possibilities to the United States for its dilemma in china—“Chinese Titoism.” With the influence of Stilwell Incident over Sino-American relationship and the facts of Tito-Stalin Split, Truman made an about-face change to U.S. China Policy in 1949. By the early 1949, the Truman Administration has already been making plans to diverge from Chiang and his KMT such as the publication of China White Paper; at the same time, Truman Administration keeping making chances to have conversations with the CCP. By meeting and negotiating with the CCP officials, Truman Administration attempted to disunite Communist China and the Soviet Union, expected Mao to be the “Asian Tito,” and then Communist China can joint forces with the United States to fight against the Soviet Union, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Until the outbreak of Korean War in June 1950, the United States finally realized that what it faced is hostile china along with the Sino-Soviet partnership. By applying Graham T. Allison’s three decision-making models, namely, the Rational Actor Model (RAM), the Organizational Behavior Model (OBM), and the Governmental Politics Model (GPM) as the theoretical structure and basis, the thesis would step by step explore the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950 through the perspectives of the rational assessment and choice on national interest, struggles between/among organizations based on different target and organizational culture, and pulling, hauling and bargaining games among relative bureaucrats. In addition, the thesis also applied the principles from Alexander L. George’s book, Presidential Decision-making in Foreign Policy, to aim at examining how President Truman’s, who has the final say, character, personality, value and world views made effect in the decision-making process of the target case study. In the process of theory confirming, the thesis discovered that by the period of transformation of Chinese regimes in 1949, the Tito-Stalin Split of 1948 presented the United States a new inspiration for the Communist World, that is, the Eastern Bloc is not a rigid “Iron Curtain.” Truman Administration considered that Titoism may set its roots upon China, the Yugoslav-Soviet Conflict could be a replay situation that occurred in mainland China, and both would put the strategic thought—Engaging China to counter the Soviet Threat—into practice. Nevertheless, from the historical perspectives, this kind of strategic thought seemed over-optimistic, which did not conform to fully rational considerations. However, with regard to the background of the early Cold War Era and the suspicion between the Truman Administration and KMT, the alternative that the United States took reflected the principles of “bounded rationality model.” As a result, by examining the decision-making process of Truman Administration in engaging China to counter the threat from the Soviet Union during the period of 1949 to the middle 1950, what the thesis explored not only the facts about the Sino-American relationship in this period, but also the continuity and change of Truman’s China Policy along with its cause and effect.

Since PRC has established its regime in 1949, the policies toward Taiwan have always existed. This was caused by the two civil wars. From Mao Zedong’s Military Liberation and Peaceful Liberation to Deng Xiaoping’s “Peaceful reunion, one country, two systems,” and then Jiang’s “Eight points,” Hu’s “Four points,” to today’s Hu’s “Six points.” PRC’s policy to unify China has always been changing. Besides, after transferring generationsof the chairman, the chairman’s political steadiness is also one of the points to see the development of the policy toward Taiwan. Especially his political announcement on the National Congress of Communist Party of China is an important index to see whether the chairman is able to handle internal political power and policies toward Taiwan. Therefore, the “Seventeen points” Hu Jintao had mentioned about Taiwan eventually became the point to research policies toward Taiwan. While Chen Shui-bian was governing, Taipei and Beijing had constant conflicts and intension, therefore the relationship between both sides was atfreezing point.Until 2008 when Ma Ying-jeou was elected as the president, he achieved his policy toward PRC, “No unity, no liberation, and no military actions.” This showed much goodwill to Beijing. On December 31st, 2008 Hu also announced his “Six points” in return as a feedback and expectation to Ma. On the other hand, Ma’s “Flexible diplomacy” policy and the signing of ECFA had earned PRC’s kind feedback and support. It seemed that the conversations between governments of both sides become warm and gentle. However, PRC is still blocks Taiwan from having development in international fields. For example, in 2007 the memo that WHO secretly signed with PRC exposed. In 2010, the Jiang Ping event happened in the 23rd Tokyo Film Festival. In 2011, the 22ndAsia-Pacific Annual Conference of Obstetrics and Gynecology which was hosted by Taiwan, PCR asked us to change the name into “China Taiwan.” From the above, we can see that PCR won’t allow the existence of “two China” or “China and Taiwan” on international stages. We can say no matter how PCR’s policy toward Taiwan changes, the core principles of “one China” and “Unified China” won’t change. As a result, PCR won’t give up its will to unify China.

Tibet and Communist China (1949–1951) The victory of the Chinese communists and the proclamation of the PRC on 1st October 1949 automatically confronted a new Chinese leaders with the issue of ‘liberation’ of Tibet. The coordinated propaganda campaign has started, in which the leading role played the Xinhua News Agency and the authority of the CCP party – the People’s Daily (‘Renmin Ribao’). The importance of the issue followed from the fact that Mao Zedong personally directed the entire action, and personally revised most of the texts concerning Tibet. In fact, the official formula of ‘peaceful liberation’ promoted by Beijing, meant the incorporation of Tibet with the consent of local authorities. Hence, the concept of a ‘gradual approach’ developed by Mao, anticipating the absorption of Tibet mainly by peaceful means, gradation of transformation, avoiding radical reforms and action by gentle persuasion. It may be recalled that at that time the use of military force was treated by Mao as finality. As soon has turned out, along with political, diplomatic and propaganda preparations intensive preparations for the military operation were undertaken in Beijing. The article presents the successive stages of the Chinese conquest of Tibet, which eventually ended with a Chinese military invasion, coincidentally in the same period, while on the Korean Peninsula Korean War broke out.

The Saudi Arabia’s “Fundamentalists” the position runs counter in the basic religious doctrine with, and People's Republic of China ’s “Communist” and “Socialism” the idea, also can affect the Saudi Arabian imperial family’s benefit and the stability. However the Saudi Arabia actually purchases the missile to the People’s Republic of China, and established diplomatic relations in 1990 . The Transformation in Diplomatic Relations between Saudi-Arabia and China was really worth studying and the discussion truly. Because in 1973 the petroleum crisis took Saudi Arabia the huge economic interest, enable Saudi Arabia’s government to have the abundant financial resource to foster the talent, but caused in this border to have the social structure change, because the group accepted the higher education or overseas abroad study return to homeland, dominated the political power to Saudi Arabian’s Government and the traditional royal court to be discontented, finally urged Saudi Arabian’s King to implement the reform as well as the cabinet carries on the reorganization, in addition, also enabled the sand country tradition political power abandonment passing the country to have to “the communism” first impressions ares most lasting the hostility, and after suffered US ‘s Parliament to go back a promise to sell the Saudi Arabian F-15 fighter plane, originated the policy using the disperser arms sale to purchase missiles form People’s Republic of China. In the international environment aspect, the Saudi Arabia after the excavating petroleum, is admires the US military force to protect its petroleum benefit, but because US's Israel's policy, causes the Saudi Arabia to the American confidence vacillation, however, this time People’s Republic of China actually unceasingly (the People’s Republic of China using the United Nations Security Council), the economy (purchases petrified industry and wheat), the military (sells the missiles), the psychology (using religious relations), at that time Saudi Arabia is in order to maintain the Saudi Arabian leader regime stably, strengthens own national defense military force, by the consolidated this country in under the Islam world leading positions consideration, urges Saudi Arabia choose People’s Republic of China to purchases missiles, and establishes both sides official foreign relations.

When the World War Ⅱ ended, Japan gave up Taiwan's sovereignty. Afterwards, Taiwan was occupied by the Republic of China. The Republic of China and the Taiwan Indigenous Peoples had the first encounter. However, after having ruled for a half century, the Republic of China finally officially recognized Taiwan indigenous people as nation through the third Constitution amendment in 1994. The subject of this article is that Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy of the Republic of China in the postwar initial period. We try to figure out what are the ideology and content of the Republic of China Nationalist Government's Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy, especially the differences with the Japanese government. After the Chinese civil war having started, the national policy of the Chinese Communist Party possibly formed as a competing policy with the Kuomintang Government's Taiwan Indigenous Peoples policy, and had the political summons function to the Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples. At last this article would narrate how did the Republic of China Government adjust and develop its Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples' policy when it removing comprehensively to Taiwan in the Chinese civil war and at the time the East Asian cold war structure formed.

This dissertation examines the motivations, logic, and functions of media control in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Rather than telling the history of media control in modern China, or giving a comprehensive account of the techniques employed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to control the media, it investigates the origins of the CCP’s theoretical approach to the media, as well as the consequences of the resulting concepts for practical media work in the PRC. The first half of the thesis tracks the genesis of the Party’s media concept and reconstructs the conditions that contributed to its rise in the first half of the twentieth century; the chapters in the latter half follow this concept in its implementation through a number of case studies from the early 1950s through the late 1990s. Since the day of its founding, the CCP has placed great emphasis on questions of media and propaganda; after 1949 the party-state has claimed full control of the Chinese print, broadcast, and electronic media. Asking for the reasons behind this claim, I argue that it must be traced back to the Party’s desire to bring about the transformation of human consciousness and to create an environment conducive to this process, a utopian project informed as much by the Leninist version of Marxism as by Neo-Confucian ideas of education and state-society relations prevalent in the late imperial era. This project and its underlying fundamental assumptions have survived – in greatly transmuted form – to the present day and continue to inform the strict control of the Chinese media, even when such controls clash with other political and socio-economic interests of the Party-state. I propose to take the media as a variable to measure changes in the CCP’s approach to governance. The Party’s handling of the media serves as a mirror of state-society relations; consequently, the investigation into the media provides us with information on the CCP’s conceptions of governance under changing circumstances. I argue that over the past twenty years, the CCP has successfully altered and reinterpreted its vision of the state and its position therein; it has adopted a more flexible set of methods to achieve its fundamental political objectives. At the same time, however, the ultimate goals of the Party – originally formulated in Yan’an – have changed remarkably little.

In 1949, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference was convened to formulate the “Common Program” and elect the Central People’s Government Committee of the People’s Republic of China. Mao Zedong then declared the PRC to be founded. He said, “China’s history has opened a new era from now on.” He predicted that “as the high tide of the economic construction arrives, the cultural construction will also usher in its high tide. The era under which Chinese were considered uncivilized has passed and we will appear in the world as a nation with a highly-developed culture.” This signifies China’s formal entry into its era of modernization. For many Western countries this process has took hundreds of years and for Japan it took 70–80 years after the Meiji Restoration. How then should China start its industrialization and modernization? How should it chase after its forerunners? Is it possible for China to become a modernization transcender and inventor?

The 21 century has often been touted as the Asian Century. However, for exactly half a century, the China’s surrounding has often registered at the list of the world's military hot spots. China’s diplomatic policy often makes troubles in the region from unresolved conflicts, intense nationalism, and competing strategic interests. However, many international and internal reasons change China’s diplomatic policy gradually from the dernier period to the end of the Cold War. In the last few years, China has fundamentally altered the negative image of international society. Yet it is not clear whether these changes have made the region (Asia) a hotter flash point or a cooler one. The theory of the social constructivist would be the important predict and analysis of this situation. After the end of the cold war, the good-neighbor policy carried out by the PRC successfully changes the image of the PRC from an unstable factor to a benign development country, at least in the economic, political and military fields in Eastern Asia. In other words, the attempt of the PRC to maintain regional peace and stability meets the need of its neighboring countries. Today, the rising in the posture of the China has given many watchers reasons for optimism by conventional standards, the China threat in aggregate terms is less than it was during the Cold War. Communist leaders have reduced the China’s conventional invasion capabilities. However, the power of China becomes much stronger than before. Of course, some researchers consider that the China might not be certainly peaceful. In the future, China would make the tension on the situation of the countries in Asia. No matter what situation of China’s rising will be, undoubtedly, the situation affects Taiwan’s national status and interests deeply. All in all, recent rising of the status of China have impact the common framework of the traditional national powers in Asia. Thus, with China’s steady development, in what ways China uses to keep the future peace in her surrounding for her further development is the major theme of this research. Thus, I try to research the series of conflicts and engagements through the social constructivist perspective, the true nature of recent developments in China would become clear. Moreover, through analyzing the issue by social constructivism, I also try to develop an interactive model of countries in Eastern Asia research, and the thesis discuss these and related issues. To what degree of China, as a rising power, is affected by the existing regional political and economic order? What will be the probable impact of China’s growing power on regional security and stability? How does the extent of China’s good neighbor diplomacy reconstruct China’s image in the Asia-Pacific region? How does the factors of United States affect to China’s Good-Neighbor diplomacy from the past to the future? At last, we will support our government with a policy reference for keeping the national interests and international status of Taiwan in the future.

In the midst of last century, during the war between KMT (Kuomintang) and CCP (Chinese Communist Party), a large number of KMT Chinese soldiers and their families retreated all the way from Yunnan, China to Myanmar and Northern Thailand (Thaibei). With their “anti-Communism” belief, the Chinese in Thaibei maintained close relationship with the Republic of China (Taiwan) for past decades, by receiving plenty of benevolent resources from the Taiwanese government and the general public. In Northern Thailand, Chinese school exists in each village. Local Students can learn Mandarin with Taiwanese textbooks in the traditional Chinese format. Parents are desirous of sending their children to study in Taiwan. However, during the past years, the abundant resources provided from CCP have changed the condition in the traditional anti-Communism area. China struck on Thaibei Chinese villages with the ground of “taking care of Thaibei compatriots.” The report has found that the resources from China are similar to those from Taiwan, including school admission offerings, overseas passports, scholarships, simplified Chinese textbooks, permanently stationed teachers, exchanges and training activities of teachers. Chinese people in Thaibei have different attitudes and perceptions towards China in different areas, positions and backgrounds. Receiving the resources from China has caused a huge controversy in the traditional pro-Taiwan Thaibei Chinese community. The sensitive problem between “pro-China” and “pro-Taiwan” groups is still difficult to be solved. By tracking the studying path of Thaibei students studying in China, this TV in-depth report discusses their motives of choosing China over Taiwan. It also analyzes Thaibei Chinese's tangle with China by investigating the controversy caused by China resources provided to Thaibei.

China has proposed the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), initiating a key turning point in the international finance system. Unfortunately, its design at present is quite problematic, for several reasons: it limits participation by Western countries, effectively locking in China as the undisputed leader; the lack of a Board of Directors in residence; the potential for a conflict of interest if the AIIB will fund projects within China; the potential of China to use AIIB for political purposes; the relationship the AIIB will have with already-existing international financial institutions; and the potential for a weakening of “best practices” in order to compete against the other international finance institutions. For these reasons, it was the right decision for Japan not to join as a charter member in order to negotiate the MOU; nevertheless, Japan should maintain the option of joining the AIIB in order to have leverage over the architecture of the AIIB.

China's Expanding Engagement in Global Health Dennis Van Vranken Hickey (bio) For most of the nineteenth and much of the twentieth century, China was called, "the sick man of Asia (东亚病夫, dong ya bing fu)."1 But those days are over. As President Xi Jinping observed, "China has bid farewell to the problems that plagued its people for thousands of years, including hunger, shortages and poverty" (Yu 2019, 19). As described below, China is now one of the world's top economic, political and military powers. China: An Economic Power By the late 1970s, China had lived through more than a century of turmoil. Key drivers of the chaos included imperialist encroachment, the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945), the Chinese Civil War between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT), a series of natural disasters and the unsound economic policies embraced by Chairman Mao Zedong after "liberation" in 1949. All of this changed after Deng Xiaoping became the supreme leader in the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the late 1970s and launched the so-called "reform era." But the country's economy did not really take off until after Deng made his landmark journey south to Shenzhen in 1992 and accelerated the "reform and opening up" process.2 Figure 1 (below) shows China's astounding gross domestic product (GDP) growth from the early 1990s onward. Since the 1990s, China has experienced a transition from a largely agrarian society with a planned socialist economy into a global economic powerhouse. The CCP calls the new approach "market socialism" or "socialism with Chinese characteristics" and bristles at suggestions that it strongly resembles capitalism. Whatever one calls it, the transformation has enabled China to become the second largest economy in the world—enjoying a double-digit annual growth rate from 2000 to 2010 [End Page 327] and roughly 7 percent since then. In the past decade, millions of Chinese have joined the middle class which now numbers roughly 400 million and is expected to exceed 550 million by 2022 (Iskyan 2016). The exploding middle class is playing a part in a governmental strategy that is expected to help the country's economy transition away from dependence on exports and toward domestic consumption (Zhang 2019). It appears that China is well on its way toward achieving the CCP's stated goal of creating a "moderately well-off society" by 2021. Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. China's GDP Growth in Current US Dollars Source: World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?end=2017&locations=CN&start=1961&view=chart. China: A Political Power As China's economy has exploded, the country's political influence has likewise grown. To be sure, economic partnerships seem to have largely paved the way. The PRC has surpassed the United States as the largest trading partner of numerous countries in the global south—particularly those in Africa and Latin America. And the country is "expected to spend over US$1 trillion on its "Belt and Road" initiative (BRI)—seven times the size of the Marshal plan in real dollars" (US Global Leadership Coalition 2018). [End Page 328] This ambitious project will integrate the economies of 65 countries that include 70 percent of the world's population, 30 percent of the GDP, and 75 percent of the earth's energy reserves. The land-based version of the new Silk Road consists of a series of economic corridors connecting the PRC with nations in Central and Western Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. The sea-based Silk Road will traverse the South China Sea, the Indian Ocean, the Mediterranean and eventually connect China to Central Asia, Africa and Europe. China has pledged not to transform itself into a "global hegemon" that "bullies" other countries (Yu 2019). Still, some suspect Beijing's motives as the government's leadership has increasingly pointed to the Chinese approach to development as an alternative pathway for states in the global south to follow. It has even established alternative international organizations—most notably the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB)—to help the...

Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti (ÇHC), yaklaşık çeyrek asır süren bir iç savaşın ardından 1950 yılında kurulmuştu. İç savaşın harap ettiği ülke, 1953 yılında Çin Komünist Partisi (ÇKP) lideri Mao Zedong döneminde Birinci Beş Yıllık Kalkınma Planı'nı başlatmıştı. Kalkınma planı ile Çin'in hem ekonomik hem de toplumsal kalkınması amaçlanmaktaydı. Özellikle Mao, kalkınma planı kapsamında Çinli kadınların ekonomik ve toplumsal hayatta daha aktif rol oynamasını hedeflemekteydi. Bu amaçla Çin yönetimi, Çinli kadınları da kalkınma planına dahil edebilmek amacıyla yoğun bir propaganda faaliyeti yürütmüştür. Çin yönetimi ülkede okuma yazma oranının düşük olması nedeniyle propaganda faaliyetlerinde genel olarak görsel ve işitsel kitle iletişim araçlarına yönelmekteydi. Özellikle bu dönemde posterler Çin propagandası tarafından etkili bir şekilde kullanılmıştır. Bu çalışmada ÇHC'de gerçekleştirilen Birinci Beş Yıllık Kalkınma Planı bağlamında kullanılan propaganda posterlerinde Çinli kadınların nasıl ve ne şekilde sunuldukları ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmada amaçlı örneklem metodu kullanılarak belirlenen altı Çin propaganda posteri nitel araştırma yöntemleri içerisinde yer alan göstergebilimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılarak incelenmiştir. Çalışma kapsamında belirlenen propaganda posterleri ABD'li göstergebilimci Charles William Morris'in göstergebilim kavramları üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma sonucunda, Çin propaganda posterlerinde kadınların sanayi ve tarımda aktif olarak görev almalarının teşvik edildiği, aynı zamanda çocuk doğurmak, ev işleri yapmak ve çocuk bakmak gibi aile içi görevler ile de idealize edildiği ortaya konulmuştur.

The years 1954-1955 witnessed visible changes in Beijing's representation of China's international policies. After its establishment in 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) appeared as a “revolutionary country” on the international scene, challenging the legitimacy of the existing international system controlled by Western imperialist powers—and the United States in particular. Mao Zedong and his comrades made it clear that a primary mission of the “new China” was to destroy the “old world” in which China had been a humiliated member during modern times. In the context of the PRC's revolutionary foreign policy, its international discourse, reflecting the Cold War's bipolar structure, was dominated by a class-struggle-centered language; and its attitudes toward non- Western, nationalist countries combined harsh criticism with tactics and actions designed to neutralize them in the Cold War confrontation.

The 1950s was a decade of crisis and confrontation between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the United States. Considering China as a major threat to U.S. interests in East Asia and the Pacific, the Eisenhower administration adopted a policy of political isolation, economic embargo, and military containment against the PRC. Leaders in Beijing viewed the United States as a primary enemy hostile to China's revolution and its unification with Taiwan. They maintained an intense anti-American campaign throughout the decade. How did this condition of hostility come about? How did policymakers in Washington and Beijing view each other? What objectives did the Eisenhower administration plan to achieve in pursuing a policy of toughness against the Chinese Communists? And how did Mao Zedong and his associates react to American pressure and antagonism? This essay will use recently released American and Chinese documents to answer those questions.

There are five sections in this paper. Sect. 1 describes how the Chinese Communists were able to infiltrate TsingHua University. The Communists' infiltration revolutionized the students' attitude toward political movement outside campuses. This was the main cause that made TsingHua University students leaders of student movements in the nation. Sect. 2 shows that the involvement of TsingHua University students in the September Eighteenth Anti-Japanese Aggression demonstration which occurred throughout China in 1931. Though these student parades were basically patriotic in nature, they escalated the feeling of nationalism to such a degree of no return that the Communist infiltrators were provided with an excellent opportunity to develop their organizations in the universities. Sect. 3 shows that it was the TsingHua University leftwing students who, in order to rescue the Communists from being eliminated, took the initiative to organize students in Peking to demonstrate on December the Ninth of 1935, and to urge the Government to fight against the Japanese invaders. In so doing, the students pushed the National Government into a dilemma. Sect. 4 describes the political struggles between students and professors, and those between the leftwing and rightwing students. These political struggles caused turmoil on the TsingHua University campus. Sect. 5 shows that the students rushed into extremes forcing the Government to fight immediately against the Japanese, which led to the Sian Incident and the Sino-Japanese War. This War gave the Chinese Communists an excellent opportunity to develop and to become strong enough to overthrow the KMT Government. In my final analysis, the December Ninth Student Movement was patriotic in name only. It was harmful to the nation in reality.