17. Societal Security

Section I: Small State Security Revisited: History, Concepts, Theory 1. Setting the Scene: Small States and International Security, Anders Wivel, Alyson JK Bailes and Clive Archer, 2. Small states, survival and strategy, Alyson Bailes, Jean-Marc Rickli and Baldur Thorhallsson, 3. Economic Security and Size, Richard Griffiths, 4. Societal Security and Small States, Alyson JK Bailes, 5. Small States and Environmental Security, Audur H. Ingolfsdottir, Section II: Small State Security in Europe, 6. The Nordic States, Clive Archer, 7. Security Concerns of the Baltic States in the 21st Century, Mindaugas Jurkynas, 8. Security Challenges in the Western Balkans: Building soft security after conflict, Visnja Samardzija, 9. Georgia and Moldova: Caught in the Outskirts of Europe? Maria Ruxandra Lupu Dinesen and Anders Wivel, 10. The Security of the European Micro-states, Archie W. Simpson, Section III: Comparative Insights 11. Botswana as a Small Developmental State, Ian Taylor, 12. Small State Security in Asia: Political and Temporal Constructions of Vulnerability, Alan Chong Chia Siong, 13. What Caribbean post-2015: Developmental and/or Fragile? Old versus New Security? Timothy Shaw 14. The Security Concerns of Designed Spaces: Size Matters, Godfrey Baldacchino

<p>In the current security concept, there are some changes to the current security object. This is due to the increasingly broad understanding of security objects. This study examines the emergence of cyber issues as a new threat to state security. Cyber actions in the virtual world are developing along with the rapid technology development. Moreover, the state policy on cyber issues is considered as a new threat to individual security. The development of that state security issue is being debated among the theoreticians of international security studies. The concept of securitization explains the phenomenon of cyber issues and receives the attention of many states. Securitization carried out by the United States on Cybercrime issues becomes the initial trigger in viewing cyber actions as a new threat to state security. The object of this paper is more focused on State policy in dealing with cyber threats. Afterward, state policy in facing the cyber threat is seen from the perspective of human security from UNDP. Therefore, there is a debate about the desired security object. State actions to reach state security are then considered as individual privacy security. So, international security now does not only focus on state objects but also on individual, environment, economy, and identity. Thus, every action taken in securing an object does not pose a threat to other security objects.</p><div><p class="Els-keywords">Keywords: Cybercrime, State Security, Human Security, Securitization</p></div>

<p>This paper examines the relationship between immigration, the state, national identity and security in a post 9/11 setting. Using the speech act as understood by the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization, this paper explores how governments’ portrayal of immigrants as security risks within the literature is presented in a practical sense in the U.S. Looking to see how physical, economic and societal security in relation to migration is articulated by governments, a small selection of speeches by U.S. President Donald Trump is discussed. Providing an overview of the current literature within the securitization- migration discourse, this paper focuses on three major themes: the securitization of migration, controlling migration and the emerging theme of societal security—which focuses on the influence national identity has over restrictive migration. This theme is introduced with the hope that further research will be done on the impacts of national identity and social cohesion on restrictive migration. Key Words: Immigration, Copenhagen School’s Theory of Securitization, United States, Societal Security, Post 9/11 Context </p>

Large-scale refugee movements clearly pose a threat to human, state, and societal security. Balancing the different levels of security threats is difficult. The case of the Afghan refugees is interesting, as (forced) migration was not linked to security until years after the initial displacement, and during a time when refugee numbers were not at their peak. Furthermore, countries with smaller numbers of refugees felt more threatened than those bearing the bulk. This article sets out to explore this interesting security puzzle, trying to answer the question whether the South Asian security dilemma can be linked to migration and displacement in the region, or other factors. The article concludes that a security-migration linkage seems to be based more on the duration than the size of displacement. Furthermore, policies by regional and international actors toward Afghan refugees contributed to the development of refugee warrior communities linked to state and international security concerns. Finally, power politics and geo-strategic as well as economic interests also contributed to the security dilemma. All these factors need to be considered in future refugee assistance in order to assume that human security is not sacrificed for that of states, and that the victims (refugees) are not the only ones held responsible.

This study, tagged with (criminal protection for intellectual security), deals with the basis on which state security is built, which is intellectual security, and its protection from the preventive and curative sides. Thus criminalizing acts that represent a threat to it, as the interest in intellectual security emerges through intellectual and scientific foundations based on the prohibition of extremism. Extremism and terrorism with thought and evidence, as well as confronting it with laws that criminalize these deviant ideas. Legislation aims through its texts to spread security within society and to spread the spirit of tranquility and stability among individuals. Destructive, as compromising intellectual security leads to disunity within society, disturbing societal thought and raising suspicions by using various methods that would attack the intellectual security of society. These attacks may also lead to destabilization of development and development within society. Whenever the intellectual and societal security is safe and stable, the development and progress in the society will be prosperous.

Does the security of women influence the security and behavior of states? Existing evidence linking the situation of women to state-level variables such as economic prosperity and growth, health, and corruption is fairly conclusive. Questions remain, however, concerning the degree to which state security and state security-related behavior is linked to the security of women. The “women and peace” thesis draws upon evolutionary biology/psychology for ultimate causes of this linkage, and sociological theories of social diffusion and psychological theories of social learning for more proximate causal mechanisms. Together, a new data resource—the WomanStats Database—and conventional methodology find a robust, positive relationship between the physical security of women and three measures of state security and peacefulness. In addition, a comparison of this proposition to alternative explanations involving level of democracy, level of economic development, and civilizational identity shows that the physical security of women is a better predictor of state security and peacefulness. Although these results are preliminary, it is still possible to conclude that the security of women must not be overlooked in the study of state security, especially given that the research questions to be raised and the policy initiatives to be considered in the promotion of security will differ markedly if the security of women is seriously considered as a significant influence on state security.

In the aftermath of the Cold War, the nature of conflicts occurring in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East brought societal security concerns to the forefront of the international security agenda. In fact, many modern societies are multiethnic, multiracial, and multireligious. The presence of minorities in conflicts that span the borders of two or more countries and who identify with their ethnic kin in formally opposing states increases the likelihood of interstate conflict and societal insecurity, such as the war in the former Yugoslavia. This is one reason why societal security should be brought to the forefront of security studies. It provides a way of thinking about security issues in which the referent object is not the state but, instead, the people. For instance, the existence of the Kurdish people, who are present in large numbers in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria, raises the issue of the potential of national secession from the currently existing states. Furthermore, Kurds are internally divided into different factions, clans, and insurgency movements, and all four states have consistently and fervently suppressed their Kurdish minorities.1KeywordsEthnic IdentityNational SecurityNational IdentityRelative DeprivationCollective IdentityThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Baseado em duas questões centrais - "está ocorrendo, ou deve ocorrer, a securitização da imigração?" e "o conceito de segurança societal é útil para a compreensão dos dilemas das sociedades nacionais contemporâneas?" - o artigo propõe um mapa do recente debate acadêmico sobre o assunto, com enfoque no caso europeu. Depois de analisar as ideias de diversos e conhecidos autores, este texto desenvolve três contra-argumentos ao conceito de "segurança societal", defendido por membros da Escola de Copenhague, que estimula o perigoso processo de securitização da imigração.

Purpose: The aim of the study is to show what relations exist between powernomics, powermetrics, international relations, security, and economics of states. In addition, it is important to show the relationships between the international policy of the state in the context of its power - military, economic or demographic. Approach/Methodology/Design: As the research method, the literature analysis, theoretical foundations of powernomics and powermetrics, as well as statistical data analysis were used. Mathematical formulas were also used to calculate the power of states and to indicate the forecast, how the power of the state influences the position of the state in the international arena. Findings: It was found that powernomics and powermetrics influence the policy of states, their actions in the field of economics, security as well as inter-state relations. Practical Implications: The main effect of the research was to present the following indicators: Regions by general power in 1992-2016 expressed as a percentage of general, military and geopolitical power of two key players in the international arena in 1992-2016. Percentage share of selected countries in international control processes in 2012-2024. Originality/Value: The research provides theoretical assumptions and practical answers to the use of powernomics and powermetrics in the study of economic security of countries. They can also be used in forecasting future wars and armed conflicts.

The paper considers the genesis of the theory of the concept of state security in Ukraine, its legal dimension, the definition of a set of state bodies, each of which has its own competence. Based on the fact that the most acceptable definition of the state is its definition as an organization of political power, it is noted that the security of the state as a system of political power in Ukraine depends on its political, economic, scientific and scientific-technological components. The author notes that the term «state security» is defined as a qualitatively defined by law state of functioning of the state as a political institution of power, which is achieved by predicting, preventing, detecting and minimizing the negative impact of existing and likely threats to the main features of the state, sovereignty, monetary and tax systems) and allows the state to effectively implement its social purpose to ensure the further development of the individual (citizen), society and the state. Thus, the hypothesis that the security of the state as an apparatus of power and management is provided by a large number of its bodies, each of which has its own competence, finds its preliminary confirmation. In the future, the author substantiates this in more detail on the example of other theoretical developments and existing legislation. Key words: national security, components of national security, threats to national security of Ukraine, qualitative state of state security, rules of definitions, state security and state security, security of state-political, constitutionally legitimized political system of state, security of state formation and constructive policy, political sovereignty, territorial integrity of Ukraine and inviolability of its borders, security of institutions of state power, security of national-state interests in the sphere of economy.

The analysis of the legal basis of the activities of the bodies of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation (hereinafter – the FSB of Russia), in particular the security objects in their view, requires a clear understanding of each key term. Legal documents do not define all these terms, and theoretical studies propose different approaches to their interpretation. In particular, the theory is ambiguous as to the limits of the extension of the powers of the FSB of Russia. As a consequence, there is no consensus on the legal status of the Service. It is proposed to be considered either a state or national security body. The purpose of the study: to compare disparate theoretical views on the problem and to determine the place of the FSB of Russia in the security system. Methods: systemic and structuralfunctional analysis, comparative-legal and formallegal methods. Results: the article establishes differences between some similar concepts that are used in scientific literature to designate security objects falling under the authority of the FSB of Russia (constitutional and state system, territorial and state integrity, sovereignty and independence, etc.); it identifies the characteristics of such security objects. The article concludes that the FSB of Russia is vested with a strictly defined scope of powers that do not exceed the limits of one of the strategic directions of ensuring security, highlighted in the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation, namely ensuring state and public security. At the same time, ensuring state security is a priority. The public component of ensuring security by the Russian FSB system arises in cases of cumulative effect.

The field of service of process is the first area of private international law in which the Common Law concept of punitive damages comes into contact with continental Europe. The commencement of a law suit in the U.S. requires the service of the claim on the defendant. When the defendant is not domiciled or not present in the U.S., service will have to take place abroad. The United States and all European Union Member States (except – at least for now – Austria and Malta) are Members of the Hague Convention on service abroad of 15 November 1965 (the Hague Service Convention). This instrument provides a mechanism for allowing the formal transmission of judicial or extrajudicial documents in civil and commercial matters from one Contracting State to another, for service in the latter State. Each Contracting State designates a Central Authority which arranges for the document to be served or serves it itself. The Convention facilitates service because it replaces time-consuming means of service (such as service through diplomatic channels). By expediting and simplifying cross-border transmission of documents, the Convention improves legal certainty of service. This chapter looks at issues that have arisen when serving U.S. punitive damages claims in the EU. In Germany there have been instances where service of such a claim has been denied. This part of the book examines the grounds in the Hague Service Convention on which these refusals of service have been based. First, it analyses the cases in which punitive damages have been classified as falling under criminal/public law. As article 1 of the Hague Service Convention provides that the Convention only applies to civil and commercial matters, this reasoning allows a refusal to serve punitive damages claims under the Convention. Second, the chapter discusses the cases regarding the exception clause of the Convention. Article 13.1 allows states to refuse service if it would violate the requested state's sovereignty or security. There is German case law denying the service of punitive damages on the basis of this provision. We argue that service of U.S. punitive damages should not be refused. Claims for punitive damages do fall under the scope of the Hague Service Convention as defined in article 1. The requested state also cannot rely on the escape mechanism of article 13.1 to deny service because punitive damages claims do not violate the requested state's sovereignty or security.

Background: The concept of human security has fundamentally reoriented security studies away from territorial defense toward the protection of individuals from persistent, non-traditional threats. In the 21st century, India faces a dense and interlocking array of such threats, including economic precarity, health system fragility, educational degradation, gendered vulnerability, and institutional governance deficits. Despite sustained policy expansion and democratic legitimacy, human security outcomes remain uneven, revealing deep structural constraints. Objective: This paper critically examines India’s human security landscape by analyzing how non-traditional threats are generated, mediated, and reproduced through governance arrangements, institutional capacity, and policy design. It advances the argument that India’s human security challenges stem less from resource scarcity and more from fragmented, compliance-oriented governance that insufficiently centers human well-being, trust, and institutional ethics. Methods: The study adopts a qualitative, analytical approach grounded in political economy and public policy analysis. It synthesizes human security theory with sectoral evidence drawn from education, labour, public health, and gender-focused policy domains. The analysis integrates insights from empirical and conceptual scholarship on governance, institutional climate, professional well-being, and policy implementation in the Indian context. Results: The analysis indicates that non-traditional security threats in India are not isolated or sporadic; rather, they are structurally integrated and mutually reinforcing. Educational stress, occupational insecurity, gendered labour vulnerability, and declining organisational trust emerge as critical yet under-theorised dimensions of human security. Governance cultures, leadership practices, and institutional value systems play a decisive role in shaping these outcomes, frequently intensifying vulnerability rather than mitigating it. While digital governance and emerging technologies offer significant potential to enhance service delivery and inclusion, they also risk reproducing exclusion and surveillance-driven control in the absence of ethical, human-centric frameworks. Conclusion: Reframing human security in India requires a decisive shift from state-centric control paradigms toward governance models rooted in institutional ethics, professional well-being, and social trust. Human security must be treated as a foundational outcome of governance rather than a residual policy concern. This paper enhances security studies and public policy scholarship by emphasising the institutional and governance factors that contribute to insecurity, while also providing a comprehensive framework for promoting human security in expansive, heterogeneous democracies.

The paper notes that in order to effectively ensure financial the safety of citizens of Ukraine is extremely important to achieve an appropriate level of tax security of the state as a basic structural element of financial state security. Identified threats affecting the current state the domestic tax security of the state. A number of regulatory and legal acts regulating the provision of tax security in Ukraine. A set of actions has been determined that is optimal for increasing the level of tax security of Ukraine. Politics should become the basis of state tax security ensuring the safety of domestic producers, because they are the most payers of taxes and fees, guarantors of a developed economic system, a source of employment in a market economy. Many problems getting in the way the study of tax security is explained by the fact that «tax security state» as a term is practically not regulated in the legislation of our state, its specifics and the composition of threats that can cause him significant harm. The vast majority of domestic and foreign scientists, considering issues of tax security, focus on micro-level, namely on the tax security of enterprises. While this the problem requires in-depth development and a systematic approach to determining the concept of «tax security» is precisely at the macro level of the study of the tax state security. To ensure the proper level of tax security it is necessary to determine its current state, the main components and factors of influence, examining the features of the functioning of the domestic tax system. It was noted that the future cooperation of the State Tax Service of Ukraine and Bureau of Economic Security will help eliminate duplication of functions law enforcement and reducing unnecessary and unjustified pressure on taxpayers, and will also help improve efficiency investigation of economic crimes and improve Ukrainian investment attractiveness.

The assumption that Islam is a new religious identity among Aboriginal Australians is questioned. The historical evidence demonstrates a well-established connection between Islam and Aboriginal communities through the early migration of Muslims to colonial Australia. This historical framework allows us to criticise the negative construction of the Aboriginal Muslim in the media through the use of statistical information gathered in three Australian censuses (1996, 2001 and 2006). Our conclusion is that the Aboriginal Muslim needs to be understood both in terms of the historical context of colonial Australia and the Aboriginal experience of social and political marginalisation. Their conversion to Islam represents some degree of cultural continuity rather than rupture. Finally the article demonstrates that the sociological and psychological understanding of conversion is underdeveloped and inadequate.