China's Decentralized and Inegalitarian Developmental State

Purpose– The achievement of self-reliance (zi li geng sheng: “regeneration through one's own efforts”) is an important Chinese goal. Mao Zedong's approach to achieving this goal after 1960 was to advocate and practice economic self-sufficiency both within China and nationally. One purpose of this article is to outline and discuss Mao's approach and its consequences. Following China's market reforms commencing in 1978, Mao's economic self-reliance policies were systematically abandoned. The second aim of this article is to consider how China's market reforms and its development have impacted on subnational economic self-reliance within China and to assess the extent to which its open-door policy has reduced its national self-reliance.Design/methodology/approach– Secondary sources and data are used to develop this article.Findings– As a result of its market reform and economic development, all parts of China's economy have become more interdependent and continue to do so. In addition, China has become more dependent for its economic welfare on international trade, but its dependence is much less than that of many other countries, for example, Germany. Nevertheless, the Chinese still endeavour to be masters of their own destiny. From this perspective, Mao's principle of self-reliance has not been abandoned.Originality/value– Despite its growing economic interdependence, China continues to value its capacity for autonomous goal setting and decision-making. This is illustrated by the strategies it has adopted to address its dependency on oil imports. Nevertheless, China's increased economic interdependence adds to China's challenges and difficulties in controlling its economic affairs.

Article Commentary| February 03 2021 Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law Collections: Section: Politics, Governance, and the Law Christian Joerges Christian Joerges 1Hertie School, Berlin, Germany; Bremen University, Germany Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar 1.joerges@hertie-school.org; cjoerges@zerp.uni-bremen.de Global Perspectives (2021) 2 (1): 18788. https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2021.18788 Article history Received: October 20 2020 Accepted: November 12 2020 Connected Content related: European Law and the Dilemmas of Democratic Capitalism Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Christian Joerges; Responding to Socioeconomic Diversity in the European Union (and to Steven Klein’s Essay) with Democracy-Enhancing Conflicts Law. Global Perspectives 1 February 2021; 2 (1): 18788. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2021.18788 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentGlobal Perspectives Search Topics Politics, Governance, and the Law Keywords: karl polanyi, european integration, conflicts law, integration through law These comments summarize exchanges with Steven Klein that accompanied the development of his work on Karl Polanyi following a presentation on “The Crisis as Polanyi’s Double Movement” in my Law and Governance course at the Hertie School back in March 2017. Our exchange echoes our shared interest in the work of Karl Polanyi. Since we are both operating in different disciplines, we had to take the disciplinary specifics of our readings of this maître penseur into account—that is, to come to terms with our substantive and methodological affinities and differences. Interdisciplinary exchanges between social theorists and jurists are, of course, anything but new. They are nevertheless still demanding. Friedrich Kratochwil has provided us with a noteworthy characterization of the pitfalls of interdisciplinary exchange, as well as its potential. In a comment on Anne-Mary Slaughter’s seminal contributions to international relations theory, he distinguishes between (a) the “Chinese menu approach,” where studies... You do not currently have access to this content.

Objective: To compare the specifics of the “public protection responses” to the deepening of marketisation in Russia andChina and to the strengthening of “market fundamentalism” in Western countries.Methods: The methodology is based on the concept of “double movement”, developed in the works of Karl Polanyi, and on the categorical apparatus of the author’s theory of institutional X - and Y -matrices.Results: It is shown that since the 1980s, in most countries of the world, a process of liberalisation of national economies has been taking place, including the active introduction of market institutions in various spheres of social life. In Russia and China, this process is known as post-socialist “market reforms”. However, after the global financial and economic crisis of 2007-2008, which showed once again the instability of the market economy and the continuous growth of social inequality, there have been widespread and continuing attempts to strengthen public control over spontaneous market forces. A similar process took place in the 1930s in Europe and the United States after the Great Depression, and Karl Polanyi then called it a “double movement” or “countermovement”. He described it as a public response to the expansion of the market, “aimed at protecting human life and nature”. The “double movement” has both its positive perspectives and risks. The main risks as Polanyi noticed were the spread of populist ideologies in societies, including fascism, and the associated threat of social instability. The consideration of the Polanyian approach with the categorical apparatus of the theory of institutional X - Y -matrices revealed the specificity of the “double movement” in Russia and China compared to the capitalist countries of the West. It is shown that in Russia and China, the scale of state participation in the economy and social control over the market, compared with Western countries, is significantly higher, which makes the economic development of these two countries more stable and predictable in the context of the continuing “era of uncertainty.” The specific risks of “double movement” for these countries were also identified associated with excessive strengthening of the unitary principle in the political system and an “overdose” of collectivist ideas to the detriment of personal aspirations and values.Scientific novelty: Identification of the specific features of the “public response” to excessive marketisation in countries where either X - or Y -institutional matrices dominate.Practical significance: The results obtained can be used as theoretical and illustrative material in courses on institutional economics and economic sociology, as well as for examining the implications of various and differing institutional designs of national economic policies.

Carbon offsets produced from terrestrial (land-based) emissions reduction projects are a contested frontier of carbon market expansion. Experiments in legislating for and producing terrestrial offsets that come under the title REDD+ have met heated opposition. However, a political consensus about the desirability and feasibility of carbon offsets from avoided deforestation and various land-management practices has slowly emerged. How do terrestrial carbon offsets gain legitimacy in the face of contestation and compelling evidence that creating carbon commodities from land ecosystems is an elusive commodity fiction? It seems that a quiet compromise is emerging over the (re-)commodification of land through carbon trading vis-à-vis the broader process of legitimating marketized climate policy. This paper offers a political-economic analysis of state-led efforts to legitimate a market for land carbon sinks in Australia and the Asia-Pacific region. The dynamics of legitimation and contestation play out as an iterative ‘double movement’.

This paper explores the genealogy of the birth of the economic growth system in Indonesia and Burma. First, it is a major transformation that occurs in both countries in the form of commodification of land, labor and money. And the formation of pluralism in the colonial society. Second, the transformation of capitalism in Burma that enters through the system of bureaucratic governance, education and social order in rural communities. Third, the study of comparative application of economic liberalism in Indonesia and Burma and its social effects. And the emergence of middle class society who came from outside of original community. The author uses Karl Polanyi’s approach for looking at the social effects of economic liberalism, based on the transformation of three things: the privatization of the land, the commodification of labor and the emergence of the system of money and debt. This comparison primarily uses extensive data from J.S Furnivall in view of the application of an economic liberalism system which is then enriched with studies from other economic historians, such as Thomas Lindblad, Anne Booth and the study of political economics, Richard Robison.

Problems of China’s Rural Labor Markets and Rural-Urban Migration* Belton M. Fleisher Ohio State University and Dennis Tao Yang Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University Center for China in the World Economy, Tsinghua University October 2005 * We would like to thank Nicholas Hope, John Pencavel, Xiaojun Wang, and participants in Stanford conference on China’s Market Reforms and 2004 Chinese Economists Society meetings for valuable comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this paper.

Shenzhen Special Economic Zone (SEZ) has been the flagship labouratory of Deng Xiaoping’s reform and open-door policy and the forerunner of China’s capitalist transformation. The initiation of the Shenzhen SEZ was driven by the imperative of political and economic survival along the state hierarchy and was informed by the international practices of export processing zones (EPZs). Shenzhen’s capitalist fundamentals, such as the commodification of land and labour, were largely established through imitating its ‘big master’ Hong Kong across the border. However, Shenzhen’s policy learning style has gradually shifted from laissez-faire Hong Kong to authoritarian Singapore, propelled by the aspiration, shared among policy-making party élites across China’s administrative hierarchy, of perpetuating the single-party rule. Theoretically, this paper demonstrates how policy mobility is shaped path-dependently by the pre-structured institutional/ideological regime, in what ways the idiosyncratic geographical/historical conjuncture matters, and why political representation and participation are crucial to policy selection and mutation.

This book tells the recent history of Mediterranean rural capitalism from the perspective of marginalized Black African farm workers. The book shows how, in the context of global supply chains and repressive border regimes, agrarian production and reproduction are based on fundamental racial hierarchies. Taking the example of the tomato—a typical ‘Made in Italy’ commodity—the book asks how political boundaries are drawn around the land and the labor needed for its production, what technologies of exclusion and inclusion enable capitalist operations to take place in the Mediterranean agrarian frontier, and which practices structure the allocation, use and commodification of land and labor across the tomato chain. While the mobile infrastructures that mobilize, channel, commodify and segregate labor play a central role in the ‘naturalization’ of racial segregation, they are also terrains of contestation and power—and thus, as the book demonstrates, reflect the tense socio-ecological transformation the Mediterranean border space is going through today.

This book tackles the question of how countries achieve rural development and offers a new way of thinking about East Asia's political economy that challenges the developmental state paradigm. Through a comparison of Taiwan (1950s–1970s), South Korea (1950s–1970s), and China (1980s–2000s), the book shows that different types of development outcomes—improvements in agricultural production, rural living standards, and the village environment—were realized to different degrees, at different times, and in different ways. The book argues that rural modernization campaigns, defined as policies demanding high levels of mobilization to effect dramatic change, played a central role in the region and that divergent development outcomes can be attributed to the interplay between campaigns and institutions. The analysis departs from common portrayals of the developmental state as wholly technocratic and demonstrates that rural development was not just a byproduct of industrialization. The book's research is based on several years of fieldwork in Asia and makes a unique contribution by systematically comparing China's development experience with other countries. Relevant to political science, economic history, rural sociology, and Asian Studies, the book enriches our understanding of state-led development and agrarian change.

Preface China at the Death of Mao China in Transition How China's Market Reform Began A Bird in the Cage: Market Reform Under Socialism Growing out of Socialism: Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics From Capitalism to Capitalisms

In the early 1990s, leaders allowed market liberalization to proceed in food markets. During this time, markets burgeoned with grain. Faced with tight budgets, leaders saw an opportunity to make the economy more efficient and at the same time reduce government fiscal obligations. Urban grain reforms phased out rationing and provided incentives for city grain retailers, who had been ration shop bureaucrats, to engage actively in market trade (Watson). These policy shifts were closely followed by a series of rural marketing reforms, and, for the first time in many decades, transactions among private and commercialized traders accounted for most of the movement of China's food. While the initial implementation of liberalization policies was considered by most to be successful (Chen 1994b), during the rapid food price inflation in 1994 officials attempted to reverse some of the reforms. A perception of loss of control over agricultural commodity circulation has led to a reassessment of the progress of China's market reform program (Duan). Policy makers and academics have vigorously debated the reasons for successes and failures of the liberalization of food markets and the implications for future policy reform. Some argue that the recent breakdown in agricultural pricing policy calls into question the commitment the government should make to re-

Despite the significant political, economic and geographical diversity in China, there is limited research on spatial differences in intergenerational mobility in China. This research aims to fill this gap by exploring the spatial and temporal dimensions of intergenerational educational mobility in China. The data used for the analysis is the 2010–2018 China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), a nationally representative longitudinal general social survey. The analysis incorporates both relative and absolute mobility measures to provide a comprehensive description of intergenerational educational mobility. The results reveal substantial regional differences in intergenerational educational mobility across various economic zones in China, with a rising geographic inequality over time. The southwest and northeast regions stand out as the areas where the educational prospects of the young generation have become not only bleaker but dependent more on their parents. Additionally, this study presents the first education Great Gatsby Curve for China, highlighting the strong relationship between intergenerational mobility and education inequality at the regional level, particularly after China's market reform. The findings highlight the need for regionally targeted policies and levelling up agendas to promote educational opportunities in low‐mobility regions.

The King in Lima: Simulacra, Ritual, and Rule in Seventeenth-Century Peru

Parliamentary enclosure was one of the most important socio-economic changes to affect English communities in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, affecting up to 8.4 million acres (3.4 m ha) in England and Wales (Turner 1980). In midland, southern and eastern England much of this was open field arable and lowland commons. Enclosure in these areas had considerable social impacts. The nature and scale of these have been widely debated since the nineteenth century with opinions oscillating between Marxist and classical economic stances. Marxist interpretations have portrayed parliamentary enclosure as an instrument for oppressing the rural proletariat, with loss of common rights forcing smallholders to sell out because of the heavy costs that enclosure demanded, and turning cottagers and smallholders into biddable full-time wage labourers for the larger farmers, a form of social engineering. The alternative view is that the process was reasonably fair and did not severely disadvantage most of those in the lower strata of rural society with the main phase of decline of small farmers occurring well after parliamentary enclosure had occurred (Chambers and Mingay 1966; Mingay 1997; Neeson 1993; Snell 1985). Over much of northern England, however, parliamentary enclosure involved mainly upland common pasture. In the early nineteenth century, Cumberland and Westmorland had the highest proportion of their areas in unenclosed common of any English counties (Williams 1970). Open fields had mostly been removed before the later eighteenth century by piecemeal enclosure (Winchester 1987). In North West England (here taken as comprising the pre-1974 counties of Cumberland and Westmorland together with north Lancashire), over 500,000 acres (202,342 ha) were enclosed under parliamentary act, much of it in upland or upland marginal areas (Whyte 2003). There was an initial burst of enclosure in the 1770 s involving mainly smaller lowland commons which were capable of conversion to arable. A second major phase of enclosure occurred in the early nineteenth century during the period of high wartime food prices and included more marginal pasture at higher altitudes. The third surge of activity took place in the mid nineteenth century, especially following the General Enclosure Act of 1845, again involving land of relatively poor quality (Whyte 2003). It is important to appreciate, however, that not all common pasture in north-west England was enclosed by parliamentary act. There had been a good deal of piecemeal enclosure associated with population increases in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, either for cultivation (Appleby 1978) or as stinted cow pastures shared between small groups of farmers (Winchester 2000b). Equally much land completely escaped enclosure. In Westmorland for example, c.100,000 acres (40,468 ha) of land were enclosed under parliamentary act, but 129,000 acres (52,204 ha) remain as open common pasture today (Humphries 2008). The poor quality of some of the land involved probably helps to explain the failure to enclose at least some other commons.

Reviewed by: For All Humanity: Mesoamerican and colonial medicine in Enlightenment Guatemala by Martha Few Laura Matthew For All Humanity: Mesoamerican and colonial medicine in Enlightenment Guatemala By Martha Few. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015. Martha Few's fascinating book establishes the colonial precedents of Enlightenment-era humanitarianism and medical science, and describes public health campaigns initiated and executed far from imperial centers of power. She details the contributions of remarkable individuals like Chiapas-born Creole physician José Flores, Maya diviner-healer Miguel Chonay, Franciscan friar and ethnobotanist Mariano José Herrarte, and other Central American men and women of European, Mesoamerican and African descent who drew on and contributed to medical knowledge that circulated the globe. Successful inoculation campaigns against smallpox in Central America in the 1780s and 1790s influenced future medical humanitarian efforts across the Spanish empire. At the same time, Few emphasizes the expanded state power that such campaigns implied and the distrust they aroused even after significant success in the reduction of disease. The book is organized thematically and by types of medical intervention. Chapter 1 provides a general history of epidemic disease in Central America since the sixteenth century. Chapters 2 and 3 consider Guatemalan campaigns against typhus and promoting cesarean operations, respectively, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Relying on an impressive variety of sources, Few presents some of the most evocative accounts of the devastating experience of epidemic disease in Central America that I have seen, calling to mind Gabriela Ramos's sensitive portrayal of end-of-life practices amongst urban Andeans in the sixteenth century and Miguel León Portilla's poetic rendering of Nahuatl lamentations from central Mexico.1 Although she does not engage the history of emotions directly, Few helps us consider the early modern devastation of the Native population in new, not merely statistical or biological ways. By the late eighteenth century, Mesoamerican and European practitioners had been working sometimes in tandem, sometimes in opposition, for centuries to treat and comfort the sick. According to Few, the resulting patterns of collaboration, syncretism, resistance, and enforcement prefigured regional smallpox inoculation campaigns in 1780 and 1794, covered in Chapters 4 and 5. Traditionally Christian views of the poor, the enslaved and "Indians" as deserving of aid were integrated into a modernizing Enlightenment vision of science and the state. Nowhere is this integration more apparent than in the late eighteenth-century Catholic concern for the soul of a living fetus "imprisoned" within the womb of a dead mother. Guatemalan authorities trained practitioners in new surgical techniques and mandated post-mortem cesareans in the 1790s regardless of the desires of the family of the woman or the father of the child, instituting a "policy of surveillance" (113) in which women self-reported their pregnancies to priests and fetuses acquired the status of colonial subjects. Similarly, churchmen and women of all ethnicities helped implement state inoculation policies by reassuring parishioners, acting as interpreters, mobilizing local resources and learning inoculation methods themselves. Community funds gathered by the Catholic church helped to pay for massive distributions of food and blankets and to set up clinics to care for the sick. Longstanding colonial institutions and policies thereby helped the state assume unprecedented responsibility for the wellbeing of its subjects' bodies as well as their souls, according to the latest advances in medical science. Throughout, Few emphasizes the "tensions between compassion and coercion" (163) that underlay these humanitarian efforts. On the one hand, Protomedicato Florés and other Guatemalan officials were surprisingly solicitous of the colonial subjects they were trying to help and surprisingly open to Mesoamerican healing practices. They used powders made from local insects to raise blisters for inoculation in order to frighten children less, considered Mesoamerican preferences when establishing invalids' diets, and preferred obsidian blades for bloodletting. Public displays of mutual respect between medical and local officials helped ensure cooperation. The Jenner cowpox vaccine, independently acquired in Central America during an energetic campaign to harvest the virus regionally in advance of samples being sent from Europe, was tested first on the children of urban Creole elites who had contributed the funds to obtain it. On the other hand, the heavy hand of the...