Domestic Affairs

Iran–US relations – strained at the best of times since the 1979 Iranian revolution – have never been worse than during the past six years, due to the much more intense interaction between the two ...

Two decades after the publication of Talal Asad's Formations of the Secular (2003), secularism is in a global state of crisis. From the standpoint of secularism's liberal proponents, the rising tide of right-wing populisms from the United States and Brazil to Eastern Europe and India threatens liberal freedoms and democracy all over the world. In an age when liberal democracies struggle to uphold the rule of law and multiculturalism is losing its popular mandate to neofascist aspirations of nationhood, the vanguards of the liberal order have found renewed faith in the redemptive promise of secularism. Far from engaging in an honest reckoning of the consequences of neoliberal governance in perpetuating economic inequalities, class divides, racial resentment, and xenophobia, liberal elites are ever more convinced of the need to rehabilitate secularism as a bulwark against the scourge of authoritarian populism and religious obscurantism. It would seem that the last thing we need at this crucial historical juncture is a critique of secular formations of individual freedom, multicultural assimilation, democratic representation, just war, and human rights, among others. To those who find it imperative to salvage secularism, such critiques are not only untimely but also play into the hands of nefarious interests bent on sabotaging liberal democracy. Recourse to fearmongering becomes an effective tactic of shutting down critiques of secularism: if you are so suspicious and disparaging of the liberal freedoms you enjoy under the secular state, would you rather live in a theocracy or tolerate another right-wing demagogue in the White House?

Morality: Restoring the Common Good in Divided Times

In this article, the author defends the right to decide, meaning that holding a referendum on the political future of Catalonia is not banned by the Spanish Constitution (SC). The principal reason cited is that the principle of indissolubility (section 2.1 of the SC) and the principle of national sovereignty (section 1.2 of the SC) should be adequately balanced with the principles of liberal democracy (as defined in sections 1.1, 23.1, 9 and 10 of the SC). In light of this perspective, the article provides justification for two main aspects: 1) holding a referendum on Catalonia's independence on the grounds of an evolutive interpretation of democratic rights linked to a dense conception of democracy; and 2) holding a referendum exclusively in Catalonia, in order to avoid shifting from the principle of the majority to the dominion of the majorities. Key words: right to decide, evolutive interpretation, liberal democracy, personal autonomy, inviolability, human dignity, dominion of the majorities Original source: Revista d'Estudis Autonomics i Federals , 19: 178-210 (2014)

Summary Religion and intersectionality. Categories frequently discussed in terms of intersectionality are gender, class, race, ethnicity and sexual orientation. This paper argues that religion is often a relevant dimension in intersectional analyses. Religion may not be inevitable as the other dimensions, but in large parts of the world it is nevertheless an unavoidable social element and even in the secularized West growing fundamentalist groups increase the impact of religion on society. Not only religious people, but also non-religious suffer direct political and social consequences of religious groups exercising their power, as well as being influenced more indirectly through socialization where religion is part of a larger cultural value system. Since religion is contextually inevitable, intersectional analyses would benefit from including a religious dimension, and for this adequate analytical tools need to be developed. Viewing the religious dimension solely as formål religious affiliation, or as providing back-up ideologies to support power structures within other dimensions, will, however, not capture the intricate internal structures, or the pervasive influence of religion in societies. The concept of religious proximity is therefore introduced as an analytical tool which will facilitate a more complex analysis of situations where a religious dimension interacts with other dimensions. The closer to God, the religious centre, the divine will, or the like, a person is, the more power and authority he or she holds, formally or informally. The paper proposes that we speak of degrees of religious proximity - as we speak of different classes or ethnic groups - and shows by means of three examples how situations can be given an intersectional analysis which includes an irreducible religious dimension. Focus in the examples is on the intersection of gender and religious proximity and it is shown how these mutually constitute each other.

Herein, Sarah J. Jackson interviews Cathy J. Cohen on the potentials for feminist theory in racial justice movements. Topics addressed include the barriers and bridges between activists and academics, the unique ways in which race and gender intersect in state violence, challenges for feminist academics of color engaged in activism, and the shape of the #BlackLivesMatter movement.

Virtually all forms of collective and state violence have been endemic in India for a long time. They have ranged from riots, pogroms, police killings and massacres to retributive genocide; insurrectionary movements based on tribal, ethnic, religious and regional identities; agrarian-based class warfare (in which Maoist and other militant groups are termed “Naxalite” by the authorities and most commentators); and state violence, including state terrorism to counter several of the above forms. Most of these distinct forms of violence are regionally or locally confined: tribal movements, particularly in the northeast, insurrectionary movements in Punjab (in the recent past) and Kashmir, Naxalite violence in pockets in Bihar and Andhra, and violence labelled Hindu-Muslim in the northern and western parts of the country. The focus of my research on collective violence in India during the past 20 years has been primarily on the latter, though I have also done work on retributive genocide in Punjab at the time of partition in 1947 and insurrectionary movements in Punjab in the 1980s and early 1990s. My principal publications that set forth the arguments to be summarized and elaborated further below, as well as the some of the ethnographic and statistical data to support them, are Riots and Pogroms (1996), Theft of an Idol (1997), The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India (2003) and Forms of Collective Violence: Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Modern India (2006).

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Many religious associations exhibit internal norms that differ from liberal norms and rules. Such norms often directly contradict the non-discrimination norms and rules that are part and parcel of the liberal democracies in which these associations operate. Religious associations often are considered, in both legal and scholarly writings, exempt from at least some of these norms and rules. This tension between broad societal non-discrimination1 rules and the norms of specific religious associations has won the attention of scholars and courts.2 In many such debates, the background assumption is that these religious groups are voluntary associations functioning within a model of separation between religion and state; that is, such associations operate through the free choices of their members and individuals are as free to leave the associations as they were to form them.3 While theorizing about non-discrimination rules and whether they apply to religious associations that are funded via the contributions of their members is of obvious importance, this article examines a distinct problem: that of discrimination within religious associations that are directly supported by democratic governments. Recent research on religion-state relations4 has pointed out that, in many democratic countries, religious associations are funded by the government to a considerable extent. The tension between non-discrimination norms and the presumed rights of the state-funded religious associations to be exempted from such rules, however, is neglected in the literature. Perhaps this is because the most prominent legal cases of this kind were tried at the European Court of Human Rights5 and the U.K. Supreme Court,6 rather than the more conspicuous U.S. Supreme Court. This article asks the following question: in what way, if at all, does receiving governmental funding change the presumed right of religious associations to be exempted from non-discrimination rules? The ‘immunity thesis’—the idea that religious associations enjoy the right to be exempted from non-discrimination rules—is not challenged here: this article argues that if there is such a right to immunity, receiving governmental funding does not necessarily eliminate it. Much depends on how each case maintains the balance between the autonomy of religious associations7 and the protection of individual citizens from discrimination that impacts important civil interests such as access to jobs or high-quality education. Of the suggested variables identified to test this balance, three are internal to the associations’ structure: the centrality of the potentially illiberal norm to the funded religious association; the kind of violation of non-discrimination rules (either internal or external discrimination, see below); and the willingness of the religious association to internalize the cost of the discrimination. Two additional variables that can be used to test the balance of competing social values are external to the association and depend on the political-legal environment in which the association functions: the quantity of funding that the government makes available to the association, and the process by which potentially competing religious associations can become eligible for recognized and funded status. A multivariable ‘test’ is required in order to determine whether and how governmental funded religious associations can still claim immunity when practicing discriminatory norms.

Introduction: Contemporary Debates on Terrorism, Richard Jackson and Samuel Justin Sinclair PART I: DEFINITION OF TERRORISM 1. Is Terrorism Still a Useful Analytical Term or Should it be Abandoned? YES: The Utility of the Concept of Terrorism, Paul Wilkinson NO: A Landscape of Meaning: Constructing Understandings of Political Violence from the Broken Paradigm of 'Terrorism', Dominic Bryan PART II: CATEGORIES OF TERRORISM 2. Is There a 'New Terrorism' in Existence Today? YES: The 'New Terrorism' or the 'Newness' of Context and Change, Alejandro Bolanos NO: The Fallacy of the New Terrorism Thesis, Isabelle Duyvesteyn and Leena Malkki 3. Can States be Terrorists? YES: State Terror: The Theoretical and Practical Utilities and Implications of a Contested Concept, Michael Stohl NO: State Terrorism: Who Needs it?, Colin Wight PART III: THE TERRORISM THREAT 4. Is Terrorism a Serious Threat to International and National Security? YES: The Continuing Threat to State Security, James Lutz and Brenda Lutz NO: Why Terrorism Is a Much Smaller Threat Than You Think, Ian S. Lustick 5. Is WMD Terrorism a Likely Prospect in the Future? YES: WMD Terrorism: A Potential Threat to International Security, Natvidad Carpintero-Santamaria NO: WMD Terrorism: The Prospects, John Mueller 6. Does Al Qaeda Continue to Pose a Serious International Threat? YES: The Enduring al-Qa'ida Threat: A Network Perspective, Jeffrey Cozzens and Magnus Ranstorp NO: Al Qaeda: A Diminishing Threat, Lee Jarvis PART IV: THE CAUSES OF TERRORISM 7. Is Terrorism the Result of Root Causes such as Poverty and Exclusion? YES: Do Structural Factors Explain Terrorism?, Dipak Gupta NO: Poverty and Exclusion are not the Root Causes of Terrorism, L. Rowell Huesmann and Graham R. Huesmann 8. Is Extremism a Major Cause of Terrorism? YES: Extremism as a Major Cause of Terrorism, Amanda Munroe and Fathali M. Moghaddam NO: Religious terrorism as Ideology, Jeffrey Goodwin PART V: DEALING WITH TERRORISM 9. Are Counter-Terrorism Frameworks Based on Suppression and Military Force Effective in Responding to Terrorism? YES: The Use of Force to Combat Terrorism, Boaz Gano NO: Wars of Terror - Learning the Lessons of Failure, Paul Rogers 10. Is the Use of Coercive Interrogation or Torture Permissible and Effective as a Counter-Terrorism Method? YES: The Truth about American State Interrogation Techniques, Torture, and the Ticking Time Bomb Terrorist, Jeffrey Addicott NO: Why Torture is Wrong, Robert Brecher 11. Is the Targeted Assassination of Terrorist Suspects an Effective Response to Terrorism? YES: A Viable and Vital Policy Option, Stephanie Carvin NO: The Case Against Targeted Assassination, Andrew Silke 12. Have Global Efforts to Reduce Terrorism and Political Violence been Effective in the Past Decade? YES: 'Looking for a Needle in a Stack of Needles', Mark Cochrane NO: 'Using a sledgehammer to Crack a Nut', Rachel Monaghan

The article examines the characteristic features of media terrorism. The author characterizes the relevant aspects of the theory of terrorism and media terrorism. It is determined that countering the influence of russian propaganda requires an integrated approach at the state, public and information levels. The ways of building a systematic approach to counteracting the influence of Russian propaganda are proposed. The number of terrorist attacks in the world in recent years was analyzed according to the Global Terrorism Database. The most famous terrorist organizations in the world in 2023 are identified. The concept of «state terrorism» is defined in a narrow and broad sense. The list of actions that may include state terrorism is determined, in particular: attacks on civilians, cyber attacks, kidnappings or terrorist acts against foreign state structures. It is proved that state terrorism is a violation of international law and the fight against its actions includes international efforts: sanctions, diplomatic pressure, and the possibility of a military response to deter aggressive states that violate international peace and security. It is determined that the term «terrorist state» is a subjective expression used in a political context to express a negative opinion about a particular country or its government, which is accused of supporting terrorist organizations. It is determined that counteracting the influence of russian propaganda requires a comprehensive approach at various levels – state, public and information. The author identifies ten measures – elements of a systematic approach that includes the work of government agencies, media, NGOs and citizens to counteract the influence of russian propaganda, in particular: information literacy, government support for independent media, international cooperation, counter-propaganda, regulation of social networks, cybersecurity protection, civic participation, monitoring and analysis of russian propaganda, intersectoral cooperation, diplomacy and public diplomacy. The author has formed his own approach to the interpretation of the concept of «media terrorism» – the use of mass media to spread terrorist ideas, support and advertise terrorist organizations, as well as to cause fear and panic among the public in society. The author characterizes the organizations that record media terrorist attacks in the world, which include: international organizations and agencies, national law enforcement agencies, national security and defense departments, public and non-governmental organizations, research centers and monitoring organizations. The author characterizes the similarities and differences between the concepts of «terrorism» and «media terrorism».

The paper deals with the possibilities of closer integration and deeper cooperation of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe - Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Austria. The paper will address the alternative of integration in the form of regional cooperation, independent of the patronage of Western Europe and major powers such as the US, Russia and Germany, which could act as a balancer in international relations and as an element of European security and lead to the creation of new security structures as well as a new European security architecture based on a strong Central European peacekeeping force. It is based on the idea of Milan Hodža, who in his work on the Danube Federation proposed the creation of a federation of Central and Eastern European countries in the Danube basin with common institutions and common policies. However, Hodža extended the project of this cooperation in Central Europe to the area from Gdańsk to Thessaloniki, even in Ankara. His proposal can be considered partially fulfilled in the current European Union. The beginnings of this federation can be considered Little Entente from the years 1921 - 1939, in which Hodža participated. The paper will work with the hypothesis based on the Hodža’s opinion, that “… the Central European Federation must be a bastion of the national and social security of its peoples" and that "European security cannot build on Western democracy alone. Its construction requires further reliable support. It is Central Europe. The same is in the interests of European democracy: in addition to the West, it must have strong support in Central Europe, and therefore the unity, if not the identity, of the democratic ideals and institutions of Western and Central European democracy provides satisfactory prospects ... Every nation, big or small, must survive and will only survive if it contributes an appropriate share to the common moral and material values of humanity. A capable nation excels only in international competition, but in order to excel, it must have moral support ...“

This chapter examines how each manages this tension. It reveals that, even as they accept the importance of accountability, liberal democracies may define the concept differently and use different mechanisms to provide it. The National Security Act of 1947 established the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and charged it with collection of foreign intelligence and the performance of “such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national security as the National Security Council may from time to time direct”. The absence of sharp distinctions also is consistent with the United Kingdom (UK’s) emphasis on secrecy as essential to operational effectiveness. The National Security Agency (NSA) was established by President Truman in 1952 to provide unified control over communications intelligence activities. The impetus for comparable legislation regarding MI6 and GCHQ was the 1992 trial of three businessmen prosecuted in the Matrix Churchill scandal for illegal arms sales to Iraq.

The 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States triggered an escalation of national security laws globally, including at least 54 in Australia, with some having implications for news reporting and open justice. This article backgrounds the Australian experience with such laws at a time when the United Kingdom is in the midst of a debate over the free expression impacts of its Justice and Security Bill. It uses case studies to highlight tensions between Australia's security laws and the media's Fourth Estate role and compares the Australian and UK human rights contexts. The article asks whether anti-terror laws restricting free expression should continue indefinitely in a democracy when national security breaches are likely to remain a major issue of public concern and there is no constitutional or human rights guarantee of free expression. It suggests a cautious approach to the renewal of such laws, particularly those restricting public debate about national security and its impact on human rights.

This article intends to give a narrative account of Hindi Movement in Bihar. It argues that the pro-Hindi campaigns should not be studied only as a campaign for democratic rights of Hindi speaking people of Bihar. It was an ideological movement. It started with a moderate stance but soon it turned into a hostile anti-Urdu campaign. The Hindi Movement was a significant movement in the sense that it united a large number of Hindi intelligentsia throughout Northern and Eastern India. In Bihar, unlike the United Provinces, Hindi was introduced as the court language without much resistance in 1880. This movement received support from the government officials (Campbell and others), Bengali newspapers ( Bengalee and others), powerful Hindu landlords (Darbhanga Maharaj and others), organisations like Hindi Pracharini Sabha, Hindi press ( Khadagvilas Press) and contemporary Hindi newspapers like Bihar Bandhu. It was not that the claims of Hindi supporters were not opposed by the supporters of Urdu in Bihar but the opposition slowed down as it became evident that the Government was bent on introducing Nagari script, the main demand of Hindi movement supporters.