Editor's Note

Interpreting Native American History and Culture at Museums and Historic Sites features ideas and suggested best practices for the staff and board of museums that care for collections of Native material culture, and who work with Native American culture, history, and communities. This resource gives museum and history professionals benchmarks to help shape conversations and policies designed to improve relations with Native communities represented in the museum. The book includes case studies from museums that are purposefully working to incorporate Native people and perspectives into all aspects of their work. The case study authors share experiences, hoping to inspire other museum staff to reach out to tribes to develop or improve their own interpretative processes. Examples from tribal and non-tribal museums, and partnerships between tribes and museums are explored as models for creating deep and long lasting partnerships between museums and the tribal communities they represent. The case studies represent museums of different sizes, different missions, and located in different regions of the country in an effort to address the unique history of each location. By doing so, it inspires action among museums to invite Native people to share in the interpretive process, or to take existing relationships further by sharing authority with museum staff and board.

Anthropology NewsVolume 45, Issue 2 p. 38-39 Central States Anthropological Society Angela M Martin, Corresponding Author Angela M Martin Contributing Editors angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405. celine@uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this authorCéline E Miceli, Corresponding Author Céline E Miceli Contributing Editors angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405. celine@uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this author Angela M Martin, Corresponding Author Angela M Martin Contributing Editors angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405. celine@uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this authorCéline E Miceli, Corresponding Author Céline E Miceli Contributing Editors angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405. celine@uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this author First published: 07 July 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/an.2004.45.2.38.2AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume45, Issue2February 2004Pages 38-39 RelatedInformation

This chapter takes as its starting point the status of Indigenous peoples as sovereigns and tribal sovereignty as the bedrock of self-government, self-education, and self-determination. We explore the implications of tribal sovereignty for policy and practice in Indigenous schooling, focusing on school-based language reclamation and maintenance. This is illustrated first through a historical discussion of Navajo- and Hawaiian-medium schooling, and then through two in-depth contemporary case studies of bi/multilingual education in the Southwestern United States: the Native American Community Academy and Puente de Hozhǫ Trilingual Public Magnet School. By creating new opportunities for children to learn in and through their heritage language and culture, these schools are elevating the scale or status of Indigenous languages in contemporary contexts and demonstrably changing expectations for Indigenous languages as vital, dynamic carriers of distinct Indigenous knowledge systems. The chapter concludes with a vision of Indigenous linguistic and educational sovereignty as a tool for and expression of self-determination and cultural continuance and survival.

Culture and COVID-19 Related Impacts on Alcohol-Exposed Pregnancy Risk Among Urban American Indian and Alaska Native Young Adults: A Path Analysis.

I was the State Archeologist in Kansas for 34 years, 1960-1994. It was good, and I was doing something I liked in a place I liked. I am a native Kansan, born in Wichita. However, my family moved to Lincoln, Nebraska, when I was 10. These circumstances in no small way influenced my career. My major education, therefore, was in Lincoln public schools and the University of Nebraska. I enrolled at the university with a major in geology, but after two years I tired of college and set out to seek my fortune, returning to Kansas to work for a seismograph company that performed oil exploration in the central and western parts of the state. I began my job as a shooter's helper, preparing dynamite charges, but that did not seem to have much future. I changed to a surveyor trainee, learning the use of the alidade for mapping. The Korean Conflict was in progress, and I was soon drafted into the Army. After basic training, I attended a signal school course for six months and trained as a radio repairman. The war ended while I was still in signal school. I was stationed at a small Army airfield at Ft Eustis, Virginia, until December 1954. In August 1954 I married Mary Anne Schlegel, my fiancee, in Lincoln. We now have two children, David and Linda, and four grandchildren. Returning to Lincoln, it was back to the university, a wiser and more focused student. The geology majors, whom I had met five years before, were still there as graduate students. There were no jobs. Earlier, I had taken one course in anthropology and liked it. I then chose anthropology as my major with geology as a second major. The latter would prove very useful in evaluating geomorphology and identifying lithic materials. In 1957 I was the only student to sign up for the archaeology field school. This was a very fortunate event in my life. It was arranged that I would go out with the Nebraska State Historical Society's field crew on its first season at the Early Archaic Logan Creek site. Marvin Kivett was the archaeologist and became my mentor. As his foreman the next summer, I helped excavate a historic Iowa village site on the Platte River, and later I did highway survey on 1-80. I graduated in January 1959 with a B.A. and was given a position of Graduate Assistant in the Anthropology Department. That summer I was the field supervisor for the department's field school and directed limited excavations at the Sterns Creek and Logan Creek sites. However, our major effort was at the Lynch site, a late Middle Ceramic village in northeastern Nebraska. I was grateful to have my wife Mary Anne as our camp cook that season and three more to come. This Lynch site work was to gain data and specimens for my Master's thesis on the Anoka focus. I received by M.A. in 1962 (Witty 1962a). I was finishing my credit hours for the M.A. degree in the spring of 1960 when Kivett told me of the newly created position for an archaeologist at the Kansas State Historical Society in To' peka. I applied and with Kivett's recommendation was hired and moved one more time to Kansas. The Kansas State Historical Society was the first Kansas institution whose staff carried out fieldwork to record archaeological sites in the state. As early as 1880 Franklin Adams, the Society's secretary, mapped the Kanza Blue Earth Village (1800-1830) and recorded information on Hard Chief's Village (1830-1847) for the Society's manuscript collection. A number of classic articles, dealing with Native American cultures as well as archaeology, were published, namely those by S. W. Williston and H. T. Martin on early archaeological finds in western Kansas, by J. R.

Series Introduction Beth Buggenhagen, series editor This issue marks the debut of a new feature of Africa Today through which we highlight the work of our long-serving past editors who have recently retired from the journal and from their academic positions at Indiana University. Here, we reflect on their contributions to shaping the journal since it came to Indiana University Press in 1999. Editing a journal is often a labor of love, a service to the discipline in which time is borrowed from one's own scholarly work to edit, publish, and promote the work of colleagues moving the discipline forward in new directions. Thanks to the dedicated efforts of editors over the years, Africa Today has been a long-running journal in African studies; it was founded in 1954. We are thus publishing these interviews as we head into the seventieth anniversary of Africa Today, in 2024. An anniversary presents an opportunity to take stock and consider new initiatives. In this feature, we begin by acknowledging the clarity, rigor, and breadth that these former editors brought to the pages of the journal through their energetic and thoughtful editorial hand. In 1999, when Africa Today moved to from Lynne Rienner Publishers to Indiana University Press, a multidisciplinary team took up its editorship. The editors consisted of York Bradshaw, a sociologist, Gracia Clark, an anthropologist, John Hanson, a historian, and Ruth Stone, an ethnomusicologist. Their first volume arrived with a new cover, featuring the continent in vibrant hues of purple and gold, and a new heft, which came with additional pages reflecting an expanded focus, reshaping Africa Today as a venue for scholarly work from a broad range of disciplines in African Studies. From their first issue, the editorial practices of this group of scholars transformed Africa Today into a journal that would reflect the breadth of African studies by extending its reach beyond the social sciences to the arts and humanities. Throughout the years, the journal captured contemporary debates and offered fresh insights. Importantly, the editors enhanced Africa Today's status as an international journal that attracted and reflected the scholarship of intellectuals based on the continent and in the diasporas and elsewhere. In part, this scope can be attributed to the scholarly reach of each of these editors, enmeshed in academic collaborations on and off the African continent throughout their careers. In this issue, we recognize the editorship of Gracia Clark, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology. Dr. Clark edited Africa Today from 1999 [End Page 96] until 2007. Under her supervision, Africa Today published original, timely, thought-provoking research articles. Dr. Clark is interviewed by Dr. Sarah Monson, a linguistic anthropologist with a PhD in anthropology from Indiana University and a former student of Dr. Clark's. Dr. Monson researches Asante women's business strategies in Ghana's Kumasi Central Market. These interviews offer a window into intergenerational conversations about developments in African studies. They also offer a window into the individual careers of the editors and their impact on the field through their students. In subsequent issues, we shall feature interviews with Dr. Ruth Stone, who joined Africa Today as an editor in 1999, Dr. Maria Grosz-Ngaté, who joined Africa Today as an editor in 2002, and Drs. Eileen Julien and Patrick McNaughton, who joined Africa Today as editors in 2008. [End Page 97] Copyright © 2020 The Trustees of Indiana University

Introduction Douglas R. Parks This special issue of Anthropological Linguistics contains ten articles on personal names in Native languages of North America. All but one of these articles are revised versions of papers originally presented at the special session "American Indian Personal Names: A Neglected Lexical Genre" at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) in Portland, Oregon, on 7 January 2012.1 There is no modern, comprehensive linguistic description of American Indian naming systems. Published sources of names are primarily lists compiled by anthropologists, linguists, and historians. Even though personal names are an integral part of the languages and cultures of Native peoples, linguists usually do not document names for the languages they study: they do not utilize names as data for their grammars, and they generally do not include names in their dictionaries. The purpose of the special session was to bring together a group of Americanist linguists who have an interest in personal names in the languages they study; contributions were selected to represent the diversity of naming systems found in Native North American language families and to enable the participants to identify major issues in the study of names. The resulting articles describe the salient linguistic and semantic features of the names in these languages, illustrating how names are important semantic and grammatical domains in Native American languages, forming systems within the larger linguistic context, and why their study is essential for language documentation—for morphological and syntactic analysis, and for the compilation of richer dictionaries. They also illustrate how for most North American groups, rich archival corpora of names are available that have rarely been utilized by linguists and exemplify the methods and challenges of studying them. Even though personal names are a relatively neglected subject in North American linguistics and anthropology, significant work has been done over the years; some of the more noteworthy contributions may be mentioned here. The earliest linguist to give notable attention to personal names on the Plains was James Owen Dorsey, who beginning in 1871 devoted more than twenty years to documenting the Dhegiha and other Siouan languages. He recorded hundreds of personal names for each, but he published only one article, "Indian Personal Names" (1890). Although he planned to write a monograph on Siouan personal names, he died before completing it. Today his manuscripts are archived primarily in the National Anthropological Archives. [End Page 1] Other early linguists working on the Plains included C. C. Uhlenbeck; he published "Geslachts- en Persoonsnamen der Peigans" (1912), in which he cites the names of Piegan bands and a representative number of individuals' personal names, and discusses the historical incidents upon which the names were based. Edward Sapir (1924) compiled a list of ninety-four Sarsi names that he published in phonetic transcription, together with literal and free English translations, and then grouped into seven semantic categories: geographical references, tribal names, war names, names referring to horses and riding, names based on incidents or objects, and names referring to personal characteristics. Later in the century, James A. Goss (1973) reported on his attempt to develop a model for the naming practices of the Southern Ute Indians of Colorado that would enable him to predict, on the basis of a set of binary features, the sex, age, kin affiliations, and shamanistic powers from a name itself. Throughout the early twentieth century a small number of linguists and anthropologists who engaged in fieldwork with particular groups recorded lists of names, some of which were published, while others remain unpublished. For example, in the Southwest, the Franciscan Fathers at St. Michael's Mission on the Navajo Reservation documented various aspects of the language. In 1910, they published An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, an innovative linguistic work in which the entries have English head words arranged according to a vast array of cultural topics and activities as well as natural phenomena. Among them is a long entry entitled "Personal Names" that identifies seven categories of names: for boys, for girls, and for women; for men; for distinguished chiefs, treaty signers, and American residents; and tribal names. N. H. Winchell published in The Aborigines of...

The Blue Sky Gary Snyder (bio) If someone asked for a description of “The Blue Sky,” I would have to say that it is a poem dealing with the lore of healing from Asian and Native American cultures, which pivots around the figure of the cosmological “Healing Buddha” of Mahayana Buddhism. Shamanism, Buddhism, the lore and psychology of healing, and some of the historical figures of Buddhism are invoked here. It is a part of a larger work called Mountains and Rivers without End. —Gary Snyder [End Page 88] The Blue Sky “Eastward from here, beyond Buddha-worlds ten times as numerous as the sands of the Ganges there is a world called PURE AS LAPIS LAZULI its Buddha is called Master of Healing, AZURE RADIANCE TATHAGATA” Click for larger view View full resolution It would take you twelve thousand summer vacations driving a car due east all day every day to reach the edge of the lapis lazuli realm of Medicine Old Man Buddha; East. Old Man Realm, East across the sea, yellow sand land Coyote Old Man land Silver, and stone blue. Blue. belo, “bright colors of the flames” flamen / brahman. beltane, “blue fire”— Sky. [the dappled cloud zone— Sanskrit sku “covered” skewed (pied) skewbald (.....”Stewball”) skybald / piebald]— Horse with lightning feet! a mane like distant rain, [End Page 89] the turquoise horse, a black star for an eye white shell teeth. Pony that feeds on the pollen of flowers may he make thee whole. Heal, hale, whole. The Spell of the Master of Healing Namo bhagavate bhaishajyaguru-vaidurya- prabharajaya tathagata arhate samyak sambuddhaya tadyatha om bhaishajye bhaishajye bhaishajya samudgate svåhå “I honour the Lord, the Master of Healing, shining like lapis lazuli, the king, the Tathagata, the Saint, the perfectly enlightened one, saying OM TO THE HEALING TO THE HEALING TO THE HEALER HAIL! svâhâ.” Shades of blue through the day. T’u chüeh a border tribe near China Türc Turquoise: a hydrous phosphate of aluminum a little copper a little iron— In the reign of the Emperor Nimmyo when Ono-no-Komachi the strange girl poet was seventeen, she set out looking for her father who had become a buddhist wanderer. She took ill on her journey, and sick in bed one night saw [End Page 90] Azure Radiance Thus-Come Medicine Master in a dream. He told her she would find a hotsprings on the bank of the Azuma river in the Bandai mountains that would cure her; and she’d meet her father there. “Enchantment as strange as the Blue up above” my rose of San Antone Tibetans say that goddesses have lapis lazuli hair. Azure Old French azur. Persian lazhward, “lapis lazuli” —blue bead charms against the evil eye— (Tim and Kim and Don and I were talking about what an awful authoritarian garb Doctors and Nurses wear, really, how spooky it is. “What should they wear?” —“masks and feathers!”) Ramana Maharshi Dream I was working as a wood cutter by a crossroads—Ko-san was working with me—we were sawing and splitting the firewood. An old man came up the lane alongside a mud wall—he shouted a little scolding at some Zen monks who were piling slash by the edge of the woods. He came over and chatted with us, a grizzled face—neither eastern or western; or both. He had a glass of buttermilk in his hand. I asked him “Where’d you get that buttermilk?” I’d been looking all over for buttermilk. He said, “At the O K Dairy, right where you leave town.” [End Page 91] Medicine, measure, “Maya”— Goddess of this vast play. Celestial. arched cover. . . . kam. Comrade: sharing the same tent or sky, a bent curved bow. Kama, God of Love, Son of Maya, bow of flowers. Shakyamuni would then be the lord of the present world of sorrow; Bhaishajyaguru Yao-Shih Fo Yakushi Nyorai, “Old Man Medicine Buddha” The lord of the lost paradise. (Glory of morning, pearly gates, tlitliltzin, the heavenly blue.) Thinking on Amitabha in the setting sun, his western paradise— impurities flow out away, to east, behind us, rolling, planet ball forward turns into the “east...

The House Subcommittee on Post-Secondary Education is considering S. 1781, the Native American Language Act. Introduced in the Senate by Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawaii, the legislation would establish a policy for the United States to preserve, protect and promote the rights of Native Americans to use, practice, and develop Native American languages. The legislation was developed from a resolution adopted by the Native American Languages Issues Institute and builds on the principle that initiative for developing and implementing native language come from the people who speak their native language.

Anthropology NewsVolume 45, Issue 9 p. 48-49 Central States Anthropological Society Anthropology and Labor Unions Angela M Martin, Angela M Martin Contributing Editor Angela M Martin at angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405;Search for more papers by this authorCéline E Miceli, Céline E Miceli Contributing Editor Céline E Miceli at celine@alumni.uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this author Angela M Martin, Angela M Martin Contributing Editor Angela M Martin at angmarti@indiana.edu, Indiana University, Department of Anthropology, Student Building 130, Bloomington, IN 47405;Search for more papers by this authorCéline E Miceli, Céline E Miceli Contributing Editor Céline E Miceli at celine@alumni.uchicago.edu, 1 West Superior Street, Apt 2416, Chicago, IL 60610.Search for more papers by this author First published: 07 July 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/an.2004.45.9.48.2 AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume45, Issue9December 2004Pages 48-49 RelatedInformation

American Studies Michael Carlebach (bio) Click for larger view View full resolution Holy Joe, Miami Beach, 1976. In my long love affair with photography, or more precisely with photojournalism, I never developed much affection for the dramatic events that newspapers and magazines feed on for an instant, or the incendiary personalities who elbow their way into our consciousness. I have, to be sure, made plenty of pictures of news events, and of the glittery people in their midst, but I am happiest when I can sneak away and find what has been or will be forgotten or neglected or overlooked. That means at football games I pretty much ignore the celebrity quarterbacks and wide receivers, preferring instead to look at the folks on the sidelines, the cheerleaders, and the curious people who inhabit mascot outfits. In Florida, where I lived for many years, and elsewhere in America, dramatic vistas are commonplace, and the clangor of the unknown for their promised fifteen minutes of fame, and the already famous for an extra fifteen minutes, assures a steady supply of eager and sometimes even photogenic subjects. Many years ago I concluded that for me truth and beauty, and perhaps wit and wisdom as well, is more likely to reside in what is ordinary and seemingly insignificant than in the supercharged personae whose incessant bluster and self-promotion guarantees attention but delivers little except noise and more noise. So I usually look outside the media glare, outside the alluring limelight, for images. This is, perhaps, a sideways look at America and American culture, but it is one that can produce moments that are quietly decisive and memorable, moments that describe us all—but without makeup and bereft of a spokesperson. [End Page 24] Click for larger view View full resolution Everglades target practice, 1981. [End Page 25] Click for larger view View full resolution Key West, 1971. [End Page 26] Click for larger view View full resolution Dade County youth fair, 1971. [End Page 27] Click for larger view View full resolution Demolition Derby drivers, Hialeah, 1982. [End Page 28] Click for larger view View full resolution Dinner Key Flea Market, 1978. [End Page 29] Click for larger view View full resolution South Beach pier, 1977. [End Page 30] Click for larger view View full resolution University of Miami mascot, Orange Bowl, 1975. [End Page 31] Click for larger view View full resolution Burnsville, North Carolina. [End Page 32] Click for larger view View full resolution Miami Beach, 1995. [End Page 33] Click for larger view View full resolution South Beach, 1988. [End Page 34] Click for larger view View full resolution Savannah, Georgia. [End Page 35] Click for larger view View full resolution North Key Largo, 1980. Michael Carlebach Michael Carlebach lived and photographed in south Florida for over three and a half decades. As a professor at the University of Miami, he taught classes in photojournalism, American studies, and art history. His publications include The Origins of Photojournalism in America (1992), American Photojournalism Comes of Age (1998), and Working Stiffs: Occupational Portraits in the Age of Tintypes (2002), all published by the Smithsonian Institution Press. He now lives in Asheville, North Carolina. Footnotes Editor’s Note: A selection of these images was previously published in Michael Carlebach’s Sunny Land: Pictures from Paradise (Safe Harbor Books, 2010). [End Page 36] Copyright © 2011 Center for the Study of the American South

This Place Called Home:Curating from an Insider's Perspective Miles R. Miller (bio) As a young boy, accompanied by my family, I joined the Washat religion at an area longhouse. I was nurtured with a traditional education; the elders taught me the Yakama legends and time-honored lessons, and encouraged me to understand everything around me. These early influences continue to inspire me as a beadwork artist. I learned patience, observation, design, and composition, skills that carried over to my collection management work. I learned to care for collections by thoroughly evaluating, completing, and updating accession and catalog records, thus facilitating the process of preservation and attending to exhibition concerns with care. The combined influences of my traditional Yakama upbringing, museology, and contemporary Native American art history studies motivate me as a curator to utilize exhibits as a new pedagogical method of pursuing Native American history, culture, and arts. This essay will introduce the reader to This Place Called Home, an exhibit I curated in 2008 as part of my master's thesis project at the University of Washington's Burke Museum of Natural History and Culture.1 In this essay, I will reflect on my experiences as a Native curator from the Yakama Nation—specifically how, in my opinion, traditional cultural beliefs enhance current museological practices and the relative power of decision making in collaborative projects between museums and tribal communities. Related to this shared management process, I will address two additional issues: (1) the relationship between pan-tribal [End Page 21] advisory committees and tribally specific values, and (2) possible tensions between culture and religion in museological practices. Click for larger view View full resolution Guest curator Miles R. Miller (Yakama) with a 1988 capote (cat. no. 1988-119/1) made by Maynard Lavadour White Owl (Nez Perce/Cayuse), on display in the 2008 Burke Museum of Natural History and Culture exhibit This Place Called Home. Courtesy of the Burke Museum of Natural History and Culture. Photograph by Doug McTavish. In the course of the object-selection process for This Place Called Home (TPCH), an Umatilla cultural adviser brought his concern over ten historical objects that might possibly fall under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) to the attention of [End Page 22] the Plateau exhibit curators. These archaeological objects come from a particular accession in which the archaeologist and collector often acted without the guidance and advice of local Native American consultants. The intended use of these objects—a sinker/maul, sculpture/ effigy, pestle, ground stone tools, and stone mortars—is often misunderstood. My course of action to resolve the issue was to research accession records in search of evidence supporting this claim of a burial connection. Finding no evidence, and acting as a curator familiar with traditional Yakama teachings, I chose to override the recommendation of the Umatilla cultural adviser. This internal decision making is indicative of new understandings of what we mean by indigenous museum curating and the implications of consultation. This Place Called Home In March 2007 I accepted the invitation by Dr. James Nason, curator emeritus at the Burke Museum of Natural History and Culture in Seattle, to cocurate a complementary, object-based exhibit to augment Peoples of the Plateau: The Indian Photographs of Lee Moorhouse, 1898-1915, a traveling photographic exhibition from the National Cowboy & Western Heritage Museum.2 Both TPCH and the Moorhouse exhibit were designed to focus on the arts and culture of middle Columbia Plateau tribes—Yakama, Umatilla, and Nez Perce—and as such, would be the first major exhibits about Plateau culture in the past twenty years at the Burke Museum. The Moorhouse exhibit included fifty-one important historical images of known people, village sites, clothing, and other objects of material culture—all reproductions of Lee Moorhouse's glass plate negatives taken at the turn of the century. The Burke Museum was interested in enhancing the exhibit to highlight and present to western Washington audiences Plateau objects from the Native American permanent collection. TPCH explored the indigenous aesthetic of the Columbia River Plateau region. Carefully selected objects looked at relevant historical and prehistorical objects characteristic of Plateau culture from the Burke Museum, and demonstrated...

Reviewed by: Shifting languages: Interaction and identity in Javanese Indonesia by J. Joseph Errington Erik Schleef Shifting languages: Interaction and identity in Javanese Indonesia. By J. Joseph Errington. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. 216. Joseph Errington wrote this book with two major audiences in mind: area specialists and anthropological linguists. He contrasts Javanese and Indonesian based on an approach that draws on recent work at the juncture of human geography and critical theory. This approach is both a strength and a weakness of this book. On the one hand, it allows E to consider each language as institutionally and ideologically bound up with distinct strategies of influence or control; on the other hand, this very theoretical concept is always a little detached from the actual data presented and is therefore not always as convincing as the author would like it to be. The book is divided into eleven chapters. After an introduction and discussion of the special situation of Indonesian as an ‘unnative’ language in Ch. 1, Chs. 2–5 give an overview of Javanese and Indonesian [End Page 392] as linguistic grounds in which social changes are manifested. The chapter topics of this first part include a description of rural and urban life in south-central Java; a historical overview of the development of Indonesian; and a discussion of speech styles, social hierarchy, and community. E further discusses the national language in relation to national development and public language and authority. He sketches Javanese and Indonesian relative to shifting landscapes and senses of community, authority, territoriality, and ethnic and national hierarchy: Javanese as ‘a symbol of the prenational exemplary center, and Indonesian as an instrument of the power and ideology of the nation-state’ (34). The result of these shifts is socially motivated language change. Chs. 6–10 deal with the politics and culture of bilingualism in south-central Java. Chapter topics include changes in kinship terms, interactional and referential identities, language contact and language mixing, speech modeling, shifting styles and modeling thoughts, and Javanese-Indonesian codeswitching. E describes talk as social praxis that is structurally shaped in interaction and informed by the shifting senses of the languages’ broader values. A final chapter summarizes the conclusions of the book. This is a useful book. Although its discussion is rather dense and not always easy to follow, examples of spontaneous language or even anecdotal evidence give the reader a good idea of the language situation in south-central Java. The book makes available an excellent discussion of theoretical aspects of institutional and interactional dimensions of language use. E attempts to relate ‘macro’ social forces to ‘micro’ social processes of everyday life including language use; however, his data are not always sufficient to answer the questions he poses or to support the claims he makes when it comes to discussing these links. The kind of data E presents always keeps the reader wondering and craving more information, especially about the informants and their own thoughts and attitudes about language and language use. Nonetheless, each part of the book can stand on its own and is a useful and thought-provoking description and discussion of the dynamics of social and linguistic change. [End Page 393] Erik Schleef University of Michigan Copyright © 2002 Linguistic Society of America

Reviewed by: American Indian Nonfiction: An Anthology of Writings, 1760s–1930s Amanda Moulder (bio) Bernd Peyer . American Indian Nonfiction: An Anthology of Writings, 1760s–1930s. Norman: U of Oklahoma P. 2007. ISBN: 978-0-8061-3798-8. 401 pp. Although earlier scholars of Native American culture often defined Indians as essentially "oral" and Native culture as antithetical to literacy, much current scholarship has turned its attention to the long history of Indian literary production. Bernd Peyer's new anthology, American Indian Nonfiction: An Anthology of Writings, 1760s–1930s , makes pointedly clear just how long-standing was Native Americans' sustained engagement with the written word. Peyer purposefully chose not to make this anthology an encyclopedic collection of texts. Rather, his selections reveal a number of [End Page 90] Native North Americans "for whom writing was a major occupation and who produced a substantial body of writings . . . that reflect in some way upon the development of Indian-white relations in the United States" (ix). Quite a few of the included authors were so prolific that scholarly editions of their collected works have arrived on the academic scene in the past two decades. Peyer's anthology comes on the heels of On Our Own Ground: The Complete Writings of William Apess, a Pequot, edited by Barry O'Connell and published in 1992; Alexander Posey's The Fus Fixico Letters, edited by Daniel F. Littlefield and Carol A. Hunter and published in 1993; To Do Good to My Indian Brethren: The Writings of Joseph Johnson 1751–1776, edited by Laura J. Murray and published in 1998; and The Collected Writings of Samson Occom, Mohegan: Leadership and Literature in Eighteenth-Century Native America, edited by Joanna Brooks and published in 2006. The anthology's introductory chapter provides a solid historical background to these texts. At the end of each author's section, Peyer includes a brief biography of the author. The introduction and biographies contextualize the selections with discussions of important events in the development and use of writing and printed text by Indigenous North Americans. Peyer charts missionary activities and religious revivals of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, changes to educational structures within tribal communities, the antiremoval campaigns (victorious or otherwise) undertaken by different tribes, and historical shifts in the policies of the U.S. government and Euroamerican sociocultural attitudes toward tribal nations in the post–Civil War era. In organizing the first half of the anthology, which is composed mainly of pre-twentieth-century texts (with notable exceptions like Will Rogers and Alexander Posey), Peyer takes a regionalist perspective. The first two sections include works by Mohegans, Mohicans, Pequots, and Senecas; the third section contains works by Cherokees and Creeks; and the fourth section includes works by Ojibwes, Potawatomis, and Odawas. This approach acknowledges the regional networks between Native intellectuals that formed, partially facilitated through the use of writing. Furthermore, it [End Page 91] underscores the fact that that the threats that North American tribes faced were often local, the results of an inconsistently applied, but consistently violent, colonialist policy. Many of the texts focus on similar themes: the struggle to maintain ancestral landholdings, the hypocrisy of so-called Christian Euroamericans, and the public debates over fraudulent treaties. The last half of the anthology focuses on post–Civil War and early-twentieth-century authors "who wrote on national issues, most of whom were members of the Society of American Indians [SAI], the first national Indian intellectual network" (ix). This section makes apparent both the ways in which these later intellectuals built on the work of their ancestors and the constellations of intellectual and political connections created by the SAI. Peyer explains a shift in the way Native Americans during the postbellum era engaged in public discourse: to confront an increasing racist colonizer, the authors "had to operate within the extremely narrow margin of racial tolerance" (27). Thus, the politics represented in some of these texts makes some modern scholars uneasy. Regardless of whether or not scholars can sympathize with the authors' politics, they can sympathize with their reasons: these intellectuals worked constantly to benefit their communities. Although the last section includes quite a few Native women writers, the anthology is thin...

The Indigenous Languages of the Americas: History and Classification is about the American Indian languages, all the Indigenous languages of the Americas. It takes stock of what is known about the history and classification of these languages and language families. It identifies the gaps in knowledge and puts them into perspective, and it assesses differences of opinion. It also resolves some issues and makes new contributions of its own. The book deals incisively with the major themes involving these languages, with the classification and history of the Indigenous languages of North America, Middle America (Mexico and Central America), and South America; with difficulties involving names of the languages; origins of the languages of the New World; unclassified, phantom, fake, and spurious languages in the Americas; recent hypotheses of remote linguistic relationships; the linguistic areas of the Americas; contact languages, including pidgins, lingua francas, and mixed languages; and loanwords and other new words in the native languages of the Americas.