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Chapter 9, Loanwords and Other New Words in the Indigenous Languages of the Americas, is about the many loanwords of various kinds have been identified in various Native American languages and about ways new words are created in these languages. Various themes involving loanwords in these languages are discussed. They include calques; Wanderwörter—loanwords that are found widely diffused in a number of languages but where the original donor language is usually unknown, loanwords from Indigenous languages into European languages, loanwords from European languages into Indigenous American languages, avoidance of tabu and multilingual obscenity, languages that are reticence toward borrowing, and linguistic acculturation and neologisms that rely on native resources.

This research project was designed to provide assistance to professionals working in the field of bilingual education by compiling a comprehensive bibliography of bilingual language arts materials for Native American groups. A chart entitled Native American Languages and Language Arts Materials provides population figures for a diversity of Native American language groups, as well as number of speakers and available materials (e.g. dictionaries, grammars, etc.) for each group.

Fifty years after the U.S. Congress passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act (CRA), Native Americans continue to fight for the right “to remain an Indian” (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006) against a backdrop of test-driven language policies that threaten to destabilize proven bilingual programs and violate hard-fought language rights protections such as the Native American Languages Act of 1990/1992. In this article we focus on the “four Rs” of Indigenous language education—rights, resources, responsibilities, and reclamation—forefronting the inherent sovereignty of Indigenous peoples in language education decision making. Drawing on our work together and our individual long-term ethnographic work with Native American communities, we present three case studies that illuminate larger issues of language rights, resources, responsibilities, and reclamation as they are realized in these communities. We conclude by “reflecting forward” (Winn, 2014) on language education possibilities and tensions, 50 years out from passage of the CRA and more than 500 years out from the original Indigenous-colonial encounter.

Sociolinguistic approaches to Native American languages are best conducted as part of a project of “language reclamation,” argues Wesley Y. Leonard. He discusses how framings of Indigenous languages as “endangered,” while in some ways well-intentioned, replicate the distance of language communities from scholarly research. An emphasis on reclamation – “efforts by Indigenous communities to claim the right to speak their heritage languages” – highlights the role of the community members in the production of knowledge on and the revival of Native American languages.

The time-depth of the Romance language family (ca. 2,000 years) yields an abundance of similarities among languages descended from Latin: Spanish, French, Italian, and so forth. The time-depth of Lehi is not much greater (2,600 years), yet no similar abundance of accepted linguistic evidence for Lehi’s presence in the Americas has emerged. Is this because of a lack of evidence or a lack of looking? We cannot know until we look. The relative absence of effort in Native American languages relevant to Book of Mormon research is a huge void in Latter-day Saint scholarly endeavor. This paper discusses the value of and need to void this existing void, and presents from one Native American language family an example of the possibilities.

Editor's Note John A. Erickson It is with great sadness that I report that Anthropological Linguistics has lost two valued members of our publishing team at Indiana University over the past year–first, Raymond J. DeMallie, an associate board member, emeritus professor in the Department of Anthropology, and former co-director of the American Indian Studies Research Institute, who passed away in April 2021, and then, shortly afterwards, our editor, Douglas R. Parks, also emeritus professor in the Department of Anthropology and former co-director of the Institute, who passed away in May 2021. While not unexpected, their deaths have been a profound loss to their fields of research and to the publication of studies on Native American languages and cultures. Having taken on the editorship of Anthropological Linguistics in the early 1990s, Doug was committed to reinvigorating the mission of the journal originally established by Florence ("Flo") Voegelin in 1959, by publishing studies of endangered and poorly documented languages from around the world, and especially research on Native American languages and cultures. It was shortly thereafter that he hired me to work on his own Native American language projects after I had returned from a year and half of fieldwork overseas as a graduate student in Central Asia. Before long, Doug then hired me as managing editor of the journal, a role in which I have continued to this day, while also finishing my Ph.D. and pursuing my own research interests at Indiana University. It is thus with mixed feelings of sadness and renewed commitment that I have agreed to take on the role of acting editor-in-chief at Anthropological Linguistics pending the appointment of a new editor. Hence, the mission continues, while the memories that remain will be shared in obituaries for both Doug and Ray in forthcoming issues. [End Page 1] John A. Erickson Acting Editor-in-Chief Copyright © 2021 Trustees of Indiana University

Editors' introduction This chapter explores the origins and history of American English, with an underlying focus on its linguistic diversity. Guaiacum , taken from the Taino language in the Bahamas in 1533, was the first American word to enter the English language. But, as Richard W. Bailey notes, English speakers migrating to the North American mainland and the Caribbean from the seventeenth century on had many other contacts with Native American languages, and influences from Native American languages on American English vocabulary were extensive. They include words like chocolate , canoe , and powwow , which have survived to the present day, and words like mangummenauk (an edible acorn) and netop (‘a good friend’), which have not survived. This chapter surveys the population growth and linguistic development of the USA century by century, repeatedly acknowledging the inputs from its various ethnic strands: for example, bogus (African), juke-box (African American), cookie (Dutch), bayou (French), macaroni (Italian), geisha (Japanese), vigilante (Spanish), lutefish (Swedish), and bagel (Yiddish). American English is more than the sum of inheritances from its input languages, of course, and this chapter details its many innovations, including initialisms like AIDS , manufactured words like Kleenex , derived forms like antinuclear , compounds like rock star , and shortenings like bra . But at the heart of the story throughout is the relative multilingualism and multidialectalism of the USA and its corresponding linguistic attitudes and ideologies. In the seventeenth century, for instance, pidgin-like varieties of English were exemplified among both Amerindian and African speakers, and there was open respect for linguistic diversity and substantial interest in it.

Aided by technological and theoretical advancements, the past century has witnessed a dramatic expansion in our knowledge of the phonetic and phonological properties of Native American languages. This research program, which is prominently featured in publications appearing in IJAL and elsewhere, has played a pivotal role in furthering our knowledge of the diversity of the sound patterns found in languages of the world and contributing to the development of theories of speech articulation, perception, and cognition. This paper provides an overview of research on phonetic and phonological features of Native American languages from the early part of the twentieth century to the present. Studies of North, Central, and South American languages are discussed with a particular focus on languages of the Southeastern United States, which have been the subject of seminal research on many properties, including stress, tone, intonation, and phonetic and phonological obsolescence.

This chapter takes as its starting point the status of Indigenous peoples as sovereigns and tribal sovereignty as the bedrock of self-government, self-education, and self-determination. We explore the implications of tribal sovereignty for policy and practice in Indigenous schooling, focusing on school-based language reclamation and maintenance. This is illustrated first through a historical discussion of Navajo- and Hawaiian-medium schooling, and then through two in-depth contemporary case studies of bi/multilingual education in the Southwestern United States: the Native American Community Academy and Puente de Hozhǫ Trilingual Public Magnet School. By creating new opportunities for children to learn in and through their heritage language and culture, these schools are elevating the scale or status of Indigenous languages in contemporary contexts and demonstrably changing expectations for Indigenous languages as vital, dynamic carriers of distinct Indigenous knowledge systems. The chapter concludes with a vision of Indigenous linguistic and educational sovereignty as a tool for and expression of self-determination and cultural continuance and survival.

Eckstorm was the daughter of a fur trader living in Maine who published six books and many articles on natural history, woods culture, and Indian language and lore. A writer from Maine with a national readership, Eckstorm drew on her unique relationship with both Maine woodsmen and Maine's Native Americans that grew out of the time she spent in the woods with her father. She developed a complex system of work largely based on oral tradition, recording and interpreting local knowledge about animal behavior and hunting practices, boat handling, ballad singing, Native American languages, crafts, and storytelling. Her work has formed the foundation for much scholarship in New England folklore and history and clearly illustrates the importance of indigenous and folk knowledge to scholarship. Fannie Hardy Eckstorm and Her Quest for Local Knowledge, 1865–1946 reveals an important story which speaks directly to contemporary issues as historians of science, social science and humanities begin to re-evaluate the nature, content, and role of indigenous and folk knowledge systems. Eckstorm's life and work illustrate the constant tension between local lay knowledge and the more privileged scientific production of academics that increasingly dominated the field from the early twentieth century. At the time Eckstorm was writing, the growth in professionalism and eclipse of the amateur led to a reorganization of knowledge. As increasing specialization defined the academy, indigenous knowledge systems were dismissed as unscientific and born of ignorance. Eckstorm recognized and lauded the innate value of traditional knowledge that could, for example, fell trees in the interior of Maine and ship them internationally as finished lumber.

126 The Michigan Historical Review In addition, Baldwin manages to capture the perspectives of island residents—including fishermen, resort owners, and families with longheld property interests—all of whom were frequently caught among competing federal entities, logging firms, and environmentalists. Ironically, it was these same residents’ work to preserve the Isle Royale wilderness that led to their ultimate departure from the island. As a scholarly work, Becoming Wilderness suffers shortcomings in its photo captions and reference notes (this reviewer is still not clear where Albert Stoll’s “Detroit News Isle Royale Papers” reside). But such criticism is negligible, and the book’s humble length (90 pages) and affordable price clearly target a more general audience. Baldwin’s narrative is supplemented by more than 60 photographs and maps, a perfect read for the ferry crossing to Rock Harbor—or to tuck into your rucksack for later enjoyment. Erik Nordberg Michigan Technological University Charles E. Cleland et al. Faith in Paper: The Ethnohistory and Litigation of Upper Great Lakes Indian Treaties. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011. Pp. 391. Bibliography. Index. Maps. Notes. Tables. Cloth, $95.00. During the treaty era from 1815 to 1871, American settlement expanded westward and encroached increasingly upon indigenous territory in the Great Lakes region. The presence of Native Americans on so much economically viable but misused land (from the American purview) constituted the “Indian problem,” the solution to which was the formation of a legal relationship by treaty. Anthropologist Charles Cleland explains this process in Faith in Paper, a book that deftly blends ethnohistory with jurisprudence to reveal a complex narrative of cultural interaction between Native Americans and settlers. In turn, this study of the nineteenth-century Great Lakes region illuminates present legal disputes over territorial rights by examining how and why treaties were established. As the author states, the “proper alignment of law, anthropology, and history could be a powerful force for social change” (p. 3). Faith in Paper is multifaceted in both its content and purpose. It is arranged into segments alternating between the historical background supplied by Cleland and the analyses of contemporary court cases by the Book Reviews 127 book’s contributing authors. In this way, the work juxtaposes the broader history of the upper Great Lakes, the development of treaties between Native residents (the Anishinaabeg cultures of the Odawa, Ojibwe, and Potawatomi) and Americans, and contemporary legal conflicts between the states and Native nations. Cleland strives to remain objective throughout the work, though he concedes that his role as an expert witness in several of the court cases analyzed in the text has influenced his observations. At any rate, he carefully presents the perspectives and motivations of both parties in the treaty-making process. Moreover, Cleland contends that, given the lack of written histories among the Anishinaabeg, knowledge of culture proves a useful tool for extrapolating an indigenous point of view otherwise lost in the historical record. The information provided by Cleland is incredibly detailed and fascinating, though the history of treaty negotiations is not necessarily groundbreaking on its own. The true value of the histories he examines is their current relevance, which is made manifest by the book’s contributing authors. Lawyers and Native American rights activists, including Bruce Green and Kathryn Tierney, draw from their experiences in more recent cases, such as United States v. Michigan and Lac Courte Oreilles Band v. Wisconsin, to demonstrate the importance of recognizing the nation-to-nation treaty relationship between tribal groups and states. For example, using Cleland’s descriptions of the usufruct privileges granted in perpetuity by the treaties of 1836 and 1855, Green, Tierney, and others show the utility of applying history to resolve current disputes. Faith in Paper is a terrific study of the treaty era in the Great Lakes and how negotiation and accommodation—both fair and imbalanced— were crucial to cultural interaction in the region. By combining cultural and legal histories, the book also illustrates the increasing viability of an interdisciplinary approach to academic research in Native American studies. Finally, the book implicitly pushes important concerns of Native Americans to the fore. Faith in Paper is informative, but it also calls for a more progressive public dialogue...

Objective The purpose of this study was to characterize the associations of international student status and native language on time (in days) with the date of injury to (i) diagnosis, (ii) symptom resolution, and (iii) return to sport. Methods Utilizing data from a cross-sectional cohort of 1,044 concussion cases from LIMBIC MATARS member institutions (n = 11) in the US, we conducted two, matched case–control designs. Cases were divided into two groups: (i) international (n = 32) or domestic students (n = 32) and (ii) English as an Additional Language (EAL) speakers (n = 18) or Native English language speakers (n = 18). Both groups were individually matched to their respective controls based on gender, age, sport, and preexisting health conditions. Results There were no significant differences in days from injury to diagnosis (p = 0.94), symptom resolution (p = 0.64), or return to sport (p = 0.15) between international and domestic athletes. EAL speakers experienced symptom resolution approximately 7.5 days sooner (Md = 4.50; IQR = 4.00, 8.00) than Native English language speakers (Md = 12.00; IQR = 7.00, 21.00, p = 0.01). Conclusions Our findings suggest that native language is associated with symptom resolution in collegiate athletes. Healthcare professionals should consider barriers related to native language that may impact symptom reporting and the overall injury experience of diverse collegiate athletes.

The Indigenous Languages of the Americas: History and Classification is about the American Indian languages, all the Indigenous languages of the Americas. It takes stock of what is known about the history and classification of these languages and language families. It identifies the gaps in knowledge and puts them into perspective, and it assesses differences of opinion. It also resolves some issues and makes new contributions of its own. The book deals incisively with the major themes involving these languages, with the classification and history of the Indigenous languages of North America, Middle America (Mexico and Central America), and South America; with difficulties involving names of the languages; origins of the languages of the New World; unclassified, phantom, fake, and spurious languages in the Americas; recent hypotheses of remote linguistic relationships; the linguistic areas of the Americas; contact languages, including pidgins, lingua francas, and mixed languages; and loanwords and other new words in the native languages of the Americas.

Introduction Douglas R. Parks This special issue of Anthropological Linguistics contains ten articles on personal names in Native languages of North America. All but one of these articles are revised versions of papers originally presented at the special session "American Indian Personal Names: A Neglected Lexical Genre" at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) in Portland, Oregon, on 7 January 2012.1 There is no modern, comprehensive linguistic description of American Indian naming systems. Published sources of names are primarily lists compiled by anthropologists, linguists, and historians. Even though personal names are an integral part of the languages and cultures of Native peoples, linguists usually do not document names for the languages they study: they do not utilize names as data for their grammars, and they generally do not include names in their dictionaries. The purpose of the special session was to bring together a group of Americanist linguists who have an interest in personal names in the languages they study; contributions were selected to represent the diversity of naming systems found in Native North American language families and to enable the participants to identify major issues in the study of names. The resulting articles describe the salient linguistic and semantic features of the names in these languages, illustrating how names are important semantic and grammatical domains in Native American languages, forming systems within the larger linguistic context, and why their study is essential for language documentation—for morphological and syntactic analysis, and for the compilation of richer dictionaries. They also illustrate how for most North American groups, rich archival corpora of names are available that have rarely been utilized by linguists and exemplify the methods and challenges of studying them. Even though personal names are a relatively neglected subject in North American linguistics and anthropology, significant work has been done over the years; some of the more noteworthy contributions may be mentioned here. The earliest linguist to give notable attention to personal names on the Plains was James Owen Dorsey, who beginning in 1871 devoted more than twenty years to documenting the Dhegiha and other Siouan languages. He recorded hundreds of personal names for each, but he published only one article, "Indian Personal Names" (1890). Although he planned to write a monograph on Siouan personal names, he died before completing it. Today his manuscripts are archived primarily in the National Anthropological Archives. [End Page 1] Other early linguists working on the Plains included C. C. Uhlenbeck; he published "Geslachts- en Persoonsnamen der Peigans" (1912), in which he cites the names of Piegan bands and a representative number of individuals' personal names, and discusses the historical incidents upon which the names were based. Edward Sapir (1924) compiled a list of ninety-four Sarsi names that he published in phonetic transcription, together with literal and free English translations, and then grouped into seven semantic categories: geographical references, tribal names, war names, names referring to horses and riding, names based on incidents or objects, and names referring to personal characteristics. Later in the century, James A. Goss (1973) reported on his attempt to develop a model for the naming practices of the Southern Ute Indians of Colorado that would enable him to predict, on the basis of a set of binary features, the sex, age, kin affiliations, and shamanistic powers from a name itself. Throughout the early twentieth century a small number of linguists and anthropologists who engaged in fieldwork with particular groups recorded lists of names, some of which were published, while others remain unpublished. For example, in the Southwest, the Franciscan Fathers at St. Michael's Mission on the Navajo Reservation documented various aspects of the language. In 1910, they published An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, an innovative linguistic work in which the entries have English head words arranged according to a vast array of cultural topics and activities as well as natural phenomena. Among them is a long entry entitled "Personal Names" that identifies seven categories of names: for boys, for girls, and for women; for men; for distinguished chiefs, treaty signers, and American residents; and tribal names. N. H. Winchell published in The Aborigines of...

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