Introducing Patchworked Peacemaking: Moving Beyond the Multitrack-Inclusion Nexus

Much scholarly attention has been given to the study of the gendered aspect of ethno-national conflicts trying to understand the experiences of men and women in a conflict situation and to what extent these shape different types of intervention for peacemaking and peace-building. Are women's experiences of conflict different from men's? Do women have a different voice than the mainstream dominant discourses produced by patriarchal systems? Do women in conflict societies respond to militarism and the violation of human rights differently from men? Are women's needs for identity and peace different depending on which ethnic–religious group they belong to? Are their needs different from those of men? This article will try to answer the above questions focusing on a feminist understanding of conflict in Cyprus. The main contention put forward in the article is that gender is an important factor to take into account when conflict societies are engaging in peace processes. To this end, data are analysed from different inter-ethnic women's workshops in which the author was either a participant–observer, or a facilitator. This analysis of the data demonstrates that Greek and Turkish Cypriot women's voices and experiences are diverse and multiple. Both men and women are socialised in the same nationalist paradigms, a fact that can explain how in the initial phases of the dialogue processes both groups of women tended to reproduce official discourses. Their own experiences and differentiated voices began to emerge only after a gendered understanding of the conflict was introduced and trust and conflict resolution skills were instituted in the dialogue process. Drawing attention to the gradual shift of perspectives in the context of inter-ethnic workshops, the article concludes by arguing that women's dialogue can challenge the omnipotence of the state and may open up a new space whereby a diversity of perspectives and mutual trust can emerge. Flying Away to the Other Side Our birthplace is split in two and we Are caught on barbed wire-hybrids Turk and Greek alike ‘Is it December is it July Choose your Side Are you Turkish or Greek There's no Purgatory in between’. … … … … … … … … … … … We cannot be from both Sides Because we are two, one and the other You refused to believe in We are loneliness itself (M. Yashin 2000) No Permiso para cruzar: Dialogo de mujeres Chipriotas a través de la linea identidad, nacionalismo étnica, la Línea, resolución de conflicto, prácticas feminista Mucha de la atención erudito han fijado en el estudio del aspecto de género de los conflictos etno-nacional para entender las experiencias de mujeres y hombres en una situación de conflicto y hasta qué punto determinan éstas experiencias los diferentes clases de intervenciones para hacer y construir la paz. ¿Son las experiencias de mujeres diferentes que las de hombres? ¿Tienen mujeres una voz diferente que los discursos dominantes que producido por el sistema patriarcal? ¿En sociedades en conflicto, responden mujeres diferente que hombres al militarismo y la violación de derechos humanos? ¿Son las necesidades de mujeres para identidad y paz diferente dependiendo en sus grupos etno-religiosas? ¿Son diferentes sus necesidades que las de hombres? Éste artículo intenta de responder a dichas preguntas enfocando las interpretaciones feministas del conflicto in Ciprés. La conexión principal que propone éste artículo es que género es un elemento importante para tomar en cuenta cuando el proceso de paz se realiza en sociedades en conflicto. Haciendo uso de un análisis de data que viene de talleres con mujeres de diferentes grupos étnicos los que participó el autor como participante observadora y facilitadora. El análisis muestra que las voces y experiencias de mujeres chipriotas griegas y turcas son diversas y múltiples. Hombres y mujeres son socializados in el mismo paradigmas nacionalistas, lo que pueda explicar como en las etapas iniciales del proceso de diálogo los dos grupos de mujeres tendieron a reproducir discursos oficiales. Sus experiencias propias y voces diferenciados empiezan solo después de una comprensión de género y el conflicto se introducían y se instituían confianza y la capacidad de resolución de conflictos. Llamando la atención al cambio gradual de perspectivas en el contexto de talleres inter-étnicos, el artículo concluye argumentando que el diálogo de mujeres puede desafiar la omnipotencia del estado y puede abrir espacio nuevo en lo que perspectivas diversas y confianza mutual pueden surgir.

Abstract. Our identity is defined by the stories we tell about the past and the stories that we suppress. Segregation in schooling by religion at an early age inculcates a narrative of identity that excludes the other. That is not helpful for either peace or prosperity. This book discusses one aspect of the peace process in a conflict society, Northern Ireland, which is attempting to break the circle of violence. The authors examine the potential benefits of integrated education. Keywords. Majoritarian Democracy; School Quality; Ulster. JEL. D72; I2; P16.

The buzzword ‘inclusion’ has taken peace research by storm and seeped into studies on the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and peace processes facilitated by African regional organisations. Apparently resonating with the normative preferences of donors and researchers, inclusion has taken root in policies on peace and security. However, the understandings of inclusion in peace processes remain diffuse in research and policy, and the research discourse seems far removed from the praxis of ‘peace deal-making’ in Africa. Therefore, this chapter turns the focus from APSA’s pillars to its peace processes and (self-)critically reflects on the concepts, methods and merits of researching inclusive peace-making. Focusing on policy discourses, actor groups and mechanisms for inclusion in peace processes, the chapter discusses the practice of civil society inclusion in peace-making in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Southern African Development Community (SADC), focusing on the peace processes facilitated by the two organizations in South Sudan and Zimbabwe, respectively.

This article discusses the relationship between gendered inclusion in peace processes and Track Two peacemaking. It responds to recent policy discourse that explicitly associates linking Track Two to Track One negotiations as a way to increase the inclusion of people identifying as women (United Nations Women 2015). However, the mechanisms through which Track Two leads to more “inclusive” outcomes is complex and unclear. To understand what these mechanisms are and how they can be studied, this article draws from existing theories on transfer in Track Two and inclusion literature in peace and conflict studies to present a novel conceptual model of “linkage.” This model explores the micro-dynamics of gendered inclusivity between different tracks of dialogue engagement and how transfer is facilitated between them.

This chapter begins to track the emergence of a peculiar ‘Northern Ireland model’ of dealing with violent pasts after political peace agreement. It draws on Oliver Ramsbotham’s idea of ‘radical disagreement’ and Chantal Mouffe’s conception of ‘agonistic pluralism’ as theoretical perspectives to reflect on how key conflict positions and key contradictions of the conflict have been institutionalized to discontinue violence. It goes on to discuss empirically how the order of this compromise is structuring efforts to deal with the past in what remains an ambiguous transition towards discordant constitutional futures. It demonstrates that in the absence of an overarching framework for dealing with the past in Northern Ireland, the model is coming into view as accumulated, piecemeal, pluralistic, complex and often contradictory efforts, emerging in the tensions between radical disagreement and attempts at reconciliation, between community initiatives and policy discourses, in what may be called a protracted peace process. The chapter argues that navigating this paradox of fixity and fluidity has crucially involved somewhat futile attempts at separating distinct lines of truth and justice in coming to terms with the past. However, the model does perhaps present some possibilities for agonistic pluralism at the societal level.

At the early stages of the development of integrated services, a study that examined the views of children and their carers on being missing from education is drawn upon to highlight two key issues that connect with the integration agenda: identifying the object of intervention and altering frames of organizational relevance. It is argued that if the proposed national outcome framework for England is to be meaningfully achieved (being healthy, enjoying and achieving, making a positive contribution, staying safe and achieving economic well being) within new service configurations, children's problems can no longer be fragmented into objects of organizational or professional expertise. Organizational relevance must adjust to enable the service user's (in this case children's, young people's, and their parents'/carers') framing of problems to be communicated, heard, and responded to. Three cases are presented for illustrative purposes, which show (i) the continued fragmentation of the service user's problem into objects of organizational relevance and (ii) the impact of this fragmentation on outcomes for children. Following presentation of the cases, a policy discussion is offered, which highlights a number of factors that undermined agencies' efforts to offer a joined‐up and holistic service in this particular local context. The study draws links between this particular local context and issues of national relevance and concludes that, for the families in this study, problems presented to agencies continued to be framed according to organizationally relevant concerns and practical realities. This process occurred in spite of efforts by children, young people, and their parents/carers to steer diverse professionals involved with their lives down a more individually relevant path. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

With its recent entry into the European Union (EU) and the adoption of multiethnic democracy as a national policy, a key challenge for Poland is to transform its education policy and practice in ways that are consistent with multicultural and pluralist values. This paper examines Poland's efforts to address these issues by exploring changes in the national education policy, school curricula and history textbooks. The author argues that despite greater representation of minority languages and cultures in schools in Poland, a disjunction exists between the policy discourse of multicultural education and the reality of education practice that conforms to traditional Polish conceptions of interethnic relations. The study further shows that history textbooks sustain a discourse promoting the existence of Poland as an ethnically defined nation state, exclusive of minority identities and cultures. Ethnic minority integration continues to be associated primarily with a one-sided process of minority adaptation, rather than a process of interactivity and mutual recognition.