Language and Sexism

Beginning with the anthropological linguistic tradition associated primarily with the names of Franz Boas, Edward Sapir and their students and concluding with the work of Noam Chomsky and William Labov at the end of the century. This book offers a comprehensive account of essential periods and areas of research in the history of American Linguistics and also addresses contemporary debates and issues within linguistics.Topics covered include: * The sources of the 'Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis' * Leonard Bloomfield and the Cours de linguistique générale * The 'Chomskyan Revolution' and its Historiography * The Origins of Morphophonemics in American Linguistics *William Labov and the Origins of Sociolinguistics in America.Toward a History of American Linguistics will be invaluable reading for academics and advanced students within the fields of linguistics and the history of linguistics.

Engages in a wide-ranging exploration of what we can learn from the study of ancient civilizations, which is relevant to fundamental problems, both intellectual and moral, that we continue to face today. How far is it possible to arrive at an understanding of alien systems of belief? Is it possible to talk meaningfully of 'science' and of its various constituent disciplines, 'astronomy', 'geography', 'anatomy', and so on, in the ancient world? Are logic and its laws universal? Is there one ontology—a single world—to which all attempts at understanding must be considered to be directed? When we encounter apparently very different views of reality, how far can that be put down to a difference in conceptions of what needs explaining, or of what counts as an explanation, or to different preferred modes of reasoning or styles of enquiry? Do the notions of truth and belief represent reliable cross-cultural universals? Are the discourses of human nature and of human rights universally applicable? What political institutions do we need to help secure equity and justice within nation states and between them? Lloyd provides compelling evidence that the science and culture of ancient Greece and China have much to offer contemporary debates in many fields of study.

Background: There are still many practitioners, academics and researchers who are bemused by the principles and practices of qualitative research. The second paper in this three part series on qualitative research explores the important question of research methodologies. Content: Focusing on four of the more common methodologies—phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography and discourse analysis—the article shows how each represents a distinctively different view of reality (a feature of qualitative research that was unpacked in the first article in the series). Conclusions: These methodologies are then used to highlight some of the fundamental methodological differences between quantitative and qualitative research. Having set down these principles, I move on, in the third article, to discuss qualitative methods of data collection and analysis.

Health care research includes many studies that combine quantitative and qualitative methods. In this paper, we revisit the quantitative-qualitative debate and review the arguments for and against using mixed-methods. In addition, we discuss the implications stemming from our view, that the paradigms upon which the methods are based have a different view of reality and therefore a different view of the phenomenon under study. Because the two paradigms do not study the same phenomena, quantitative and qualitative methods cannot be combined for cross-validation or triangulation purposes. However, they can be combined for complementary purposes. Future standards for mixed-methods research should clearly reflect this recommendation.

This article deals with technology as it relates to strategy design. It addresses the different views of reality between general managers and the organization’s technologists. This becomes increasingly important in high levels of turbulence. It examines the role of the general management and technological myopia as major influencer in the decision-making process. The thrust of this article is on the assessment of gaps between management and technologists and methods to close them. The article completes with the role of management in managing and driving technological innovation while integrating technology strategy in the organization’s strategy.

Reviewed by: Different Paths, Different Summits: A Model for Religious Pluralism John B. Cobb Jr. Different Paths, Different Summits: A Model for Religious Pluralism. By Stephen Kaplan. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002. Pp. xi + 187. Those of us who believe that religious traditions are radically different from one another are divided between two camps. One camp holds that they are simply incommensurable. Participants in this camp often emphasize the decisive importance of language. They may argue that each language creates its own world within which every part of the symbolic system has its meaning in its relation to other parts of the system. Since language does not refer to a nonlinguistic reality, there is no possibility of translation among languages. Some who recognize the possibility of translation for some parts of the linguistic systems still reject any such possibility in the sphere of religion. It is in this sphere that the denial that language has nonlinguistic reference is most firmly insisted upon. It is urged that each religious system is simply what it is. The second group, the one to which I belong, holds that religious language does have referential character, and that dialogue, although complex and difficult, is possible and fruitful. But against those who hold that all religions are speaking, in their very diverse ways, of the same reality, we hold that the reality to which reference is made is multiple or diverse. It is our belief that the concrete and detailed study of religious experience and of the language through which it comes to expression enables us to distinguish these diverse references. To the best of my knowledge, Stephen Kaplan has written the first book-length argument in favor of this view. He entitles it, quite appropriately, Different Paths, Different [End Page 367] Summits. The contrast, of course, is with the common image of different paths up a single mountain to the same summit. Those of us who take this approach do not believe that every religious path leads to a different summit. Whether two paths lead to the same or different summits is to be decided on the basis of careful study of the traditions that follow these paths. Kaplan develops a threefold typology. One path is that of the theists, who seek communion with God. Another is that of Advaita Vedānta, which aims at final identity with the changeless real. A third is that of many forms of Buddhism, which seek to realize the wholly processive and interconnected character of all reality including the self. Kaplan rightly emphasizes his agreement with those who stress the importance of language and culture in shaping religious experience as well as its articulation. He does not take this to mean that we cannot discern families of experience, such as the experiences of those who seek communion with God. The experiences of those with this goal in diverse traditions differ in their imagery. The language used to speak of the experience is that of a particular community. But the judgment that what constitutes experience in multiple communities is theistic reality fits many of them. There are thus several paths to the same summit. But not all religious paths are directed to this theistic summit. Kaplan understands that a main objection to this radical religious pluralism is the deep-seated assumption that reality cannot have more than one fundamental character. If it is theistic, then the Hindu and Buddhist versions are in error. If either of them is correct, then all differing views are illusory. To adopt a radical pluralism is, then, in principle, to force a profound choice among religious traditions, holding that two out of three groups of traditions fail to provide paths up any mountain at all. Kaplan responds to this objection thoughtfully and thoroughly. He finds in David Bohm's holographic model a clue to how three very different views of reality may all be justified by one reality. Bohm holds that the hologram illustrates and embodies the distinction between the implicate and the explicate orders. The implicate order is represented by the plate on which are inscribed the results of laser beams. When these are projected they give rise to an explicate order of...

Reflection on the scientific level of new media practices and systematization of a positive experience is impossible without identifying and describing the problem components and contradictions that characterize the modern informa­tion space in Russia or its particular regions. First of all, it determines the fact that the first decades of the 21st century marked the beginning of a new stage in the study of rapidly transforming media systems. Secondly, when studying the impact of these processes on the representatives of modern Russian society as a whole and its groups, the digital revolution assumes that not only the mo­bilization resources of social theories and actual practices are defined, but also predetermines the formation of a legal framework for the mass media, which must meet the requirements of time and the demands of society. The third part of the monograph “Mass Media as a Mediator of Communicative-Cultural Memory” is devoted to this problem. The legal field of journalism of the digital age and the legal aspect of the identity of Russians are considered in the context of their mutual influence. The axiological context of ethical and philosophical dominance in modern media texts and the analysis of the role of the media in maintaining positive ethnic identity has allowed the authors to consider several problematic nodes of actual practice at various levels of social dynamics. In particular, it has been proved that since it is through culture, as well as through media culture as a special type of culture, that the individual is socialized and society thus largely regulates the behaviour of individuals and groups, the consideration of culture as an Univer­sum opens wide prospects for research into the functioning of journalism as a social institution under the new conditions. The results of the sociological research carried out by the authors testi­fied that professional activity for the overwhelming number of respondents in conditions of active influence of the global network and possibilities of new information technologies became inseparable with personal intentions. They are reflected in their public discourse, the product of a more or less argumentative discussion of a fact, a problem situation, which is based on an openly broadcast text. It has been proved that modern practice allows the public discourse of a journalist, which influences the formation of primarily communicative memory of media audience representatives, to be differentiated into three levels: com­municative-event, communicative-containing and communicative-predictive. Today, mass media should be not only an information resource but also a platform (channel, tool) for presenting the whole range of opinions and de­veloping various initiatives of active representatives of this or that societies. Information activities of non-professionals in the media sphere, most often referred to as civic journalism, should in practice become an important factor in the development of conventional (contractual) and communication (dialogue) strategies. At the same time, the mythologization of reality, even via ethnic ste­reotypes broadcast by some media and bloggers, is a complex and controversial formation that manifests itself specifically at different levels of mass conscious­ness. It can contribute both to the emergence of new images, different views of reality, and the accumulation of incorrect opinions, false ideas, manifestations of aggression. The result is social, cultural, religious and political myths, sometimes even leading to various antisocial actions. Therefore, it is concluded that professional media activity requires from communicators, along with ethical and legal enlightenment and active life po­sition manifestation, the skills of creative (non-traditional, non-stereotypical) information expression in media texts.

Background There are still many practitioners, academics and researchers who are bemused by the principles and practices of qualitative research. The second paper in this three part series on qualitative research explores the important question of research methodologies. Content Focusing on four of the more common methodologies – phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography and discourse analysis – the article shows how each represents a distinctively different view of reality (a feature of qualitative research that was unpacked in the first article in the series). Conclusions These methodologies are then used to highlight some of the fundamental methodological differences between quantitative and qualitative research. Having set down these principles, I move on, in the third article, to discuss qualitative methods of data collection and analysis.

Edward Sapir (1884–1939) was one of the early seminal founders of linguistic anthropology. He continues to be widely known for his contributions to culture theory, Americanist linguistics, the development of phonemics, linguistic relativity, and the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis. As was said in one memoir, “There is probably no North American linguist or anthropologist today who does not respect, even revere, the name of Edward Sapir.”

Introduction Douglas R. Parks This special issue of Anthropological Linguistics contains ten articles on personal names in Native languages of North America. All but one of these articles are revised versions of papers originally presented at the special session "American Indian Personal Names: A Neglected Lexical Genre" at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA) in Portland, Oregon, on 7 January 2012.1 There is no modern, comprehensive linguistic description of American Indian naming systems. Published sources of names are primarily lists compiled by anthropologists, linguists, and historians. Even though personal names are an integral part of the languages and cultures of Native peoples, linguists usually do not document names for the languages they study: they do not utilize names as data for their grammars, and they generally do not include names in their dictionaries. The purpose of the special session was to bring together a group of Americanist linguists who have an interest in personal names in the languages they study; contributions were selected to represent the diversity of naming systems found in Native North American language families and to enable the participants to identify major issues in the study of names. The resulting articles describe the salient linguistic and semantic features of the names in these languages, illustrating how names are important semantic and grammatical domains in Native American languages, forming systems within the larger linguistic context, and why their study is essential for language documentation—for morphological and syntactic analysis, and for the compilation of richer dictionaries. They also illustrate how for most North American groups, rich archival corpora of names are available that have rarely been utilized by linguists and exemplify the methods and challenges of studying them. Even though personal names are a relatively neglected subject in North American linguistics and anthropology, significant work has been done over the years; some of the more noteworthy contributions may be mentioned here. The earliest linguist to give notable attention to personal names on the Plains was James Owen Dorsey, who beginning in 1871 devoted more than twenty years to documenting the Dhegiha and other Siouan languages. He recorded hundreds of personal names for each, but he published only one article, "Indian Personal Names" (1890). Although he planned to write a monograph on Siouan personal names, he died before completing it. Today his manuscripts are archived primarily in the National Anthropological Archives. [End Page 1] Other early linguists working on the Plains included C. C. Uhlenbeck; he published "Geslachts- en Persoonsnamen der Peigans" (1912), in which he cites the names of Piegan bands and a representative number of individuals' personal names, and discusses the historical incidents upon which the names were based. Edward Sapir (1924) compiled a list of ninety-four Sarsi names that he published in phonetic transcription, together with literal and free English translations, and then grouped into seven semantic categories: geographical references, tribal names, war names, names referring to horses and riding, names based on incidents or objects, and names referring to personal characteristics. Later in the century, James A. Goss (1973) reported on his attempt to develop a model for the naming practices of the Southern Ute Indians of Colorado that would enable him to predict, on the basis of a set of binary features, the sex, age, kin affiliations, and shamanistic powers from a name itself. Throughout the early twentieth century a small number of linguists and anthropologists who engaged in fieldwork with particular groups recorded lists of names, some of which were published, while others remain unpublished. For example, in the Southwest, the Franciscan Fathers at St. Michael's Mission on the Navajo Reservation documented various aspects of the language. In 1910, they published An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navaho Language, an innovative linguistic work in which the entries have English head words arranged according to a vast array of cultural topics and activities as well as natural phenomena. Among them is a long entry entitled "Personal Names" that identifies seven categories of names: for boys, for girls, and for women; for men; for distinguished chiefs, treaty signers, and American residents; and tribal names. N. H. Winchell published in The Aborigines of...

Parliament that has inherited its power from the monarch, and in the body of the monarch itself which contains the promises of both God and people. Today, law also finds its sources in the legislative acts of the European Community and the decisions of the European Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights (religion will often refer

This paper describes gender as a sociocultural construct and explores the ways in which this affects mass culture. This is discussed from a sociolinguistic perspective. The first section describes the relationship between language and culture using the Whorfian hypothesis. A link to gender issues is provided. The next section gives the two senses of gender, and a further distinction between gender and sex. This distinction is important because the anti- feminist movement campaigners would usually want to gloss over this or dismiss the gender issue altogether. The third section discusses the relationship between gender, culture and language. Gender is seen as a sociocultural construct, and this is overtly expressed through language. We note that gender is not only about biological and cultural differences, but also about power. This gives rise to salient issues of subjectivity and oppression, and the need for emancipation. Before change can ever be achieved, a critical exposure has to be done of these salient features. This leads to the fourth section, which examines how gender bias is encoded in our everyday language in various ways. All these are analyzed with their implications for language planning, which is the focus of the last section. (The Journal of Cultural Studies: 2001 3(2): 333-347)

Does culture influence language? Does culture play a vital role in language society? Or it is vices versa. These questions have baffled linguists and anthropologists for decades. Language is an inevitable mechanism for oral communication. Environmental background, cultural and natural aspects play a tremendous role in indicating cross cultural differences and the only possible way of classifying experience.Culture is an essential facilitator and plays an intermediary role in conveying our thought by thought language, which is a characteristic of human behaviour and the only mechanism for communication effectively.moreover, there is a causal linkage between language and culture, which is closely connected.This paper discussed targets using descriptive analytical method and it also deals with learning mechanisms for making second language acquisition more student-centered.It is axiomatic that culture is a social conduct since human beings are social actor and culture has a great influence on human behaviour. No one can deny that culture is remarkable factor for distinguishing between speakers of the same language by different utterances or sound patterns.This essay therefore indicates the view of Sapir and explores the linkage between culture and language from the theory of linguistic relativity and it also argues that Sapire’s claim is partially untrue especially still carry diagnostic and heuristic value today.

The Indigenous Languages of the Americas: History and Classification is about the American Indian languages, all the Indigenous languages of the Americas. It takes stock of what is known about the history and classification of these languages and language families. It identifies the gaps in knowledge and puts them into perspective, and it assesses differences of opinion. It also resolves some issues and makes new contributions of its own. The book deals incisively with the major themes involving these languages, with the classification and history of the Indigenous languages of North America, Middle America (Mexico and Central America), and South America; with difficulties involving names of the languages; origins of the languages of the New World; unclassified, phantom, fake, and spurious languages in the Americas; recent hypotheses of remote linguistic relationships; the linguistic areas of the Americas; contact languages, including pidgins, lingua francas, and mixed languages; and loanwords and other new words in the native languages of the Americas.

Writing in the early twentieth century the American linguist and anthropologist Edward Sapir put forward what has come to be known as the " Relativity Hypothesis" , which postulates that every language imposes on its speakers a different world view. What follows from this hypothesis is that intercultural communication is hard if not impossible. As Sapir puts it: No two languages are sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The world in which different societies live are distinct worlds not merely the same world with different labels attached.(Sapir 1956: 69) Likewise, Benjamin Lee Whorf (1940) asserted that his experience of American and Hopi culture suggested to him that the cultures and thought processes were markedly different because their languages were so different. This led him to establish what he called the "linguistic relativity principle" , which states that users of markedly different grammars are pointed by their grammars toward different types of observations and different evaluations of externally similar acts of observation, and hence are not equivalent as observers but must arrive at somewhat different views of the world. (p. 221) In other words, language was viewed as having a direct influence on thougnt; thought is in the grip of language. .