Major threats to international security

INTRODUCTIONGiven that the primary and most immediate experience of insecurity in troubled societies worldwide is through unmet basic needs, political exclusion, denied rights, social and political disintegration, and the criminal and political violence that invariably accompany these conditions of insecurity, the primary means of achieving security must be through the creation of favourable social, political, and economic conditions-that is, through economic development, respect for basic rights, political participation, control over the instruments of violence, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Hence, spending in support of international peace and security should be expanded beyond the traditional three Ds-defence, development, and diplomacy-to a more comprehensive five Ds of security-development, democracy, disarmament, diplomacy, and defence-which better reflect the dimensions of human security. Canada is an extraordinarily prosperous and secure country and has a responsibility to increase its commitment to international peace and security. That means an overall expansion of the five Ds security envelope, as well as spending shifts within that envelope to give appropriate emphasis to addressing the social, political, and economic conditions that are essential to durable international peace and security.THE MEASURE OF SECURITYThe search for a security consensusCanadian security policy promises to be a significant and contentious subject for national debate for many years to come and for many reasons, including the threat of terrorism and the threatened further proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, both of which bring international peace and security concerns directly to shores. In addition, funding for international peace and security efforts will continue to be crowded out by other urgent national priorities, such as health care, the urban infrastructure, and so on. There is also a widespread view, one that is embraced across the full political spectrum in Canada, that current defence policy is not workable, either because it lacks resources or because it does not address real security needs, or both. And finally, a changed security environment, as well as changes in understanding of what security policy should encompass, mean that there is no broad consensus on what security priorities should be; that is, what the threats to security really are, and how those threats should be met.The lack of consensus concerning the nature and extent of the threats to national and international security and the appropriate means to counter them is deeply rooted. The threat of terrorism, for example, is certainly widely accepted as real but there is little agreement on how imminent or prominent it is, whether it is primarily a policing and intelligence problem, a military problem, or whether it is a social-economic-political problem that requires greater attention to root causes. The ballistic missile threat is also widely accepted as real, but again, there is little agreement on how imminent it is, which missile threat is the greater danger (e.g., Russia's or North Korea's), or whether the priority response should be defence, counterproliferation, or nonproliferation diplomacy.The April 2004 tabling of a national security policy by the government of Prime Minister Paul Martin is an effort to guide the development of a national consensus. It is, as the prime minister notes in the preface, Canada's first-ever comprehensive statement of our National security Policy, and makes the point that although threats to Canada will change, our security interests are enduring. Three core national security interests are identified:* protecting Canada and the safety and security of Canadians at home and abroad;* ensuring that Canada is not a base for threats to our allies; and* contributing to international security.The report emphasizes that Canadian security will be increasingly dependent on our ability to contribute to international security,1 citing as an example the danger that failed states far away from Canada can become havens for terrorists, thus increasing risk to Canada. …

Two assumptions underpin much of the literature that has examined the links between HIV/AIDS and security: (1) that HIV/AIDS is now firmly established as an international security issue; and (2) that Resolution 1308, adopted by the UN Security Council in July 2000, was the decisive moment in the securitization process. This article questions both of those assumptions. It argues that even within the Security Council, HIV/AIDS' status as a bona fide threat to international peace and security is not entirely secure. Despite the fact that the Resolution was adopted unanimously, there is considerable doubt over the extent to which the Council members were persuaded that HIV/AIDS is genuinely a threat to international peace and security. Furthermore, the Council's subsequent actions suggest a retreat from the issue. The article moves on to examine statements made in and by some of the other key UN System bodies grappling with HIV/AIDS. Focusing in particular on the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council and UNAIDS, it is argued that the international security framing of HIV/AIDS has not generally achieved a great deal of traction within these bodies. Alternative framings, in particular international development and human rights, occur far more frequently. This raises issues for our understanding of both securitization theory and the global governance of HIV/AIDS.

Drawing on the annual analyses and conclusions of the Aspen Strategy Group (which includes former officials, scientists, businesspeople and journalists), then, from the 2023 AI Security Summit at Bletchley Park, the European Union Artificial Intelligence Law (Regulation (EU) 2024/1689)) as well as the 2025 AI Action Summit held in Paris, this analytical research structures a concise critical review of the impact of artificial technology (AI) on global politics and international security. Public discourse on the effects of AI has mainly focused on the fear of it surpassing human intelligence and getting out of control, as well as on the concern that new intelligent machines will replace humans in every aspect of life, from driving cars to diagnosing diseases, etc. However, AI will also have a significant impact on future global politics. It will allow governments to embrace the digital world, providing an alternative to open political systems. In just a few weeks since its release, ChatGPT3 has already gained 100 million monthly users, while chatbots that have become the main topic of conversation are just the tip of the iceberg. Artificial intelligence that creates text, speech, art and videos is advancing rapidly, with far-reaching consequences for governments, commerce and civic life. It is no wonder that there is a serious influx of capital in this sector, that is, both governments and companies are investing in startups to develop and apply the latest machine learning tools. These new applications will combine historical data with machine learning, natural language processing and deep learning to determine the probability of future events. This progress is already hinting at new reshaping of government policies, from which policies are already generating new foreign policies with new geopolitical structuring in the international political and security plan.

The monograph is devoted to topical issues of international security and strategic stability in the context of accelerated development of information and communication technologies. It justifies the importance of ensuring international information security. The monograph examines the possibility of establishing an ITarms control regime under the UN auspices. Different aspects of regulation of software security systems and of the use of supercomputers in the context of the international information security are examined. The impact of information and communication technologies on strategic stability is analyzed. This monograph is addressed to specialists in the field of information and communication technologies and international security, university lecturers, students and graduate students of universities, as well as a wide range of readers.

In today’s social, economic, and political reality, security environment needs to have appropriate conditions for its functioning. Stabilising these conditions is becoming indispensable due to the ongoing changes in people’s economic activity manifested by new forms of management and based on new technologies. Internal security is determined by various factors and is of interest to different parties. Currently, as local communities are gaining vital importance, a large part of development initiatives is transferred to the local level. The links between internal and social security as well as local development policy, social policy, and welfare policy are becoming increasingly visible

*Corresponding author. Email: twukong@yahoo.com Tang Shiping is Professor at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs (SIRPA), Fudan University, Shanghai, China. Prior to his current appointment, Shiping was Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, where this article was finished. He also thanks Taylor Fravel, Evan Montgomery, and Jack Snyder for helpful comments on an earlier draft. Beatrice Bieger provided outstanding research assistance. The usual disclaimer applies. 1 George H. Quester, Offense and Defense in the International System (New York, N.Y.: John Wiley and Sons, 1977); Robert Jervis ‘‘Cooperation under the security dilemma,’’ World Politics, Vol. 30, No. 2 (1978), pp. 167–214; Jack Snyder, ‘‘Civil-Military Relations and the Cult of the Offensive, 1914 and 1984,’’ International Security, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1984), pp. 108–146; Stephen Van Evera, ‘‘The Cult of the Offensive and the Origins of the First World War,’’ International Security, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1984), pp. 58–107; Stephen Van Evera, Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999); and Charles L. Glaser and Chaim Kaufmann, ‘‘What Is the Offense-Defense Balance and How Can We Measure It?’’ International Security, Vol. 22, No. 4 (1998), pp. 44–82. In this article, ODT means orthodox or standard ODT (defined in section 1 below). In the literature, the works of Jervis, Quester, and Van Evera are usually accepted as the foundational works of orthodox ODT. 2 See, for example, Thomas J. Christensen and Jack Snyder, ‘Chain Gangs and Passed Bucks: Predicting Alliance Patterns in Multipolarity’, International Organization, Vol. 44, No. 2 (1990), pp. 137–68; James D. Fearon, ‘Rationalist Explanations for War’, International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 3 (1995), pp. 401–404; Robert Gilpin, War and Changes in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 59–63; Charles L. Glaser, ‘Realists as Optimists: Cooperation as Self-help’, International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (1994), pp. 50–90; Charles L. Glaser, ‘When Are Arms Races Dangerous?’ International Security, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2004), pp. 44–84; Ted Hopf, ‘Polarity, The Offense Defense Balance, and War’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 85, No. 2 (1991), pp. 475–493; Andrew Kydd, Trust and Mistrust in International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 31–33; Peter Liberman, ‘The Offense-defense Balance, Interdependence, and War’, Security Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1 & 2, 1999–2000, pp. 59–91; Evan Braden Montgomery, ‘Breaking out of the Security Dilemma: Realism, Reassurance, and the Problem of Uncertainty’, International Security, Vol. 31, No. 2 (2006), pp. 151–185; Barry Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrines: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars (Ithaca: Cornell The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 3, 2010, 213–260 doi:10.1093/cjip/poq004

The concept of Lithuanian foreign policy is based on three basic priorities: membership in NATO, membership in the European Union and friendly relations with neighbors. The axiological basis for building international relations was based on values such as common attachment to democratic values, human rights and support for an international order based on rules, law and peace. Thirty-three years later, this Baltic country of about 2.8 million people is taking bold steps to counter Russia’s imperialist aspirations at a time of international security crisis. The aim of the article is to analyze the changing geopolitical reality through the strengthening cooperation between Germany and Lithuania in the area of security policy. The research problem of the work was defined in the form of a question: what are the characteristics of the issues of Lithuanian-German relations during the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022-2024 In the context of potential threats generated by Russia? What will be the composition of the future German brigade in Lithuania and its preliminary schedule? The starting point of the discussion is the hypothesis that: small countries are able to start a process that can bring benefits to the entire region and thus contribute in their own way to building international peace and security. Moreover, Lithuania, by pursuing an active and effective foreign policy based not only on national but also regional interests, contributes in its own way to building international security; Moreover, tangible results are being achieved thanks to Lithuania’s efforts to attract Berlin’s attention and pressure it to take more decisive action against Ukraine and its eastern flank. The research method used in the work was content and content analysis and analysis of secondary data. The argument for taking up this issue is the lack of both Polish and English-language literature. For this reason, the presentation of preliminary research results provides a perspective for further, in-depth research on this topic.

The article is devoted to current issues of international information security. The author examines the phenomenon of the information revolution and its impact on political, cultural, social and economic changes in the world. It is noted that the term "information revolution" is associated with the theoretical concept of the information society; there have been several information revolutions in the history of mankind and they were associated with the emergence of new instrumental methods of transmitting and storing information − writing, printing, computer technology, which subsequently contributed to revolutionary changes in all spheres of society and the State. It is determined that the information society in its most general form can be defined as a stage of society development in which ICT have a significant impact on the main spheres of life: economic, political and socio-cultural. The term "cyberspace" is considered, and its connection with the processes of formation of transnational civil society (Global Civil Society), the impact of Internet technologies on authoritarian regimes, the issues of governance of authoritarian regimes, the issues of Internet governance and ensuring national and international security (Cyber Security) is analysed. It is generalised that the information society is emerging within individual states with varying degrees of intensity, but in accordance with general patterns −, one of which is the growing dependence on ICT. It is noted that the most important direction of the reverse influence of the characteristics of world politics on the global information society is the strengthening of the role of states and the strengthening of "digital sovereignty" in most countries of the world.

Mankind is entering a new era of globalisation and multipolarity in external spheres. In these conditions, export control plays an important role in the maintenance of international and national security. Export control is one of the major tools of dynamic foreign economic policy and also is a necessary measure of non-tariff regulation. Its task is not only to cut off from export deliveries the goods that are components of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), but also to find new mechanisms that resist their distribution.

As key governments and institutions from the region and the wider Islamic and Western world gather in London on 23 February 2012 to review their approach to the crisis in Somalia, this paper highlights the need for more effective international engagement with the country’s ongoing humanitarian emergency. More than six months after the UN declared a famine, over 31 per cent of the population remains in urgent need of assistance, an escalation of the conflict is still forcing thousands of civilians from their homes, and expulsions and insecurity are making it increasingly difficult for aid agencies to reach those in need. While responsibility for this situation lies first and foremost with Somali warring factions, the international community has also been at fault. Policies focused more on international security concerns than on the needs, interests, and wishes of the Somali people have inadvertently fuelled both the conflict and the humanitarian crisis. An internationally backed escalation of regional military intervention since late 2011 presents grave risks for the civilian population and their access to assistance, which foreign governments and multilateral institutions have been slow to respond to. A dangerous conflation of humanitarian assistance with international security and state-building initiatives in Somalia, including counter-terrorism efforts, has fed perceptions among opposition groups that aid agencies are proxies of Western governments, further shrinking humanitarian space. It is unclear how long the current period of intense conflict across much of southern Somalia will continue. But we do know that as long as it does, the food crisis will persist in the affected areas. If millions of people in need are to benefit fully from the aid efforts of Somali civil society and international agencies, more systematic account must be taken of the humanitarian fallout of regional and international political and security initiatives. More coherent strategies are needed from regional, Western and Islamic stakeholders, focused on supporting inclusive Somali-led reconciliation and peace-building, while scaling up efforts to increase humanitarian access and coordination, and to build Somali resilience to future shocks.

It can be said that the emergence of the Covid 19 pandemic, and its rapid spread among all countries of the world, had greatly affected all aspects of the lives of countries within the framework of the international community, and among the aspects affected by the pandemic are aspects of international security and cooperation between the countries of the system Globalism. This is because the concept of security has changed to a very large degree under the influence of the repercussions of the Coronavirus, which has exposed international security and peace to new challenges and risks. Consistent with this, the images and levels of international cooperation to confront the Covid 19 pandemic have undergone a major change, which requires reviewing new formulations of international cooperation in terms of goals and means and crystallizing new forms of them. In general, this scientific research deals with, in addition to its scientific problem and hypothesis, the relationship between change on two levels, namely: the first, the Covid 19 pandemic, and the second, international security and cooperation, by relying on the descriptive-analytical approach, to stand on a comprehensive analytical vision that covers the contents of the research from Its many angles. And he has to deal with the research within its scientific structure, an introduction, and two main topics, the first of which discussed the impact of the Covid 19 pandemic on international security, through two branches, the first of which dealt with the concept of international security in light of the repercussions of the Corona crisis, while the second focused on studying the Covid pandemic 19 as a source of threat to international security. As for the second topic, it was divided into three different branches, which included studying the issue of international cooperation to confront the Corona crisis by discussing the roles of the United Nations General Assembly and the UN Security Council, as well as the World Health Organization. While the research ended to a conclusion, a set of scientific conclusions and recommendations crystallized on it, to provide solutions to the existing research problem in logical and objective ways.

The disappearance of bipolarity causes essential mutations in the international security environment, which highlights the need to rethink the defence concept. The analysis of new risks and threats to international security has led to a new perception of it and has imposed a new orientation in the field of defence. The formation of new partnerships and alliances greatly reduces the likelihood of a conflict between members, which contributes to supporting the common interest of countries to maintain and strengthen international peace and security. All countries of the world are, in principle, members of at least one regional or intergovernmental organization. Although traditionally regional organizations have been set up on the basis of political, economical or environmental objectives, they have also entered security in recent decades and have started to develop their own capabilities to prevent conflicts and support peacekeeping operations or post-conflict construction of states

It is now three years since the United Nations General Assembly first convened in London, and over five years since the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and China announced at the first Moscow Conference their recognition of “the necessity of establishing at the earliest practicable date a general international organization … for the maintenance of international peace and security.”

The article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of the special services of the Russian Federation as a key tool for implementing the state policy of aggression, identifying their main directions and methods of influence, and assessing the consequences for national and international security. Special attention is paid to the development of recommendations for countering this activity. The purpose of the study is to analyze the strategies, methods, and instruments of the activities of the special services of the Russian Federation in the context of aggressive foreign policy and to develop recommendations for countering their actions. In the course of the scientific research, general scientific methods were used, in particular: analysis and synthesis to identify the essence and structure of the activities of the special services; comparative analysis to compare the methods of their influence at different stages of aggression; a systematic approach for a comprehensive consideration of the interaction of the special services with state and military structures; as well as the method of logical generalization for formulating conclusions and recommendations, generalization, and a systematic approach. The features of hybrid war and special services as an instrument of the policy of aggression are indicated. International legal norms on the prohibition of aggression and the responsibility of states are systematized. The ideological basis of the activities of special services in the context of the policy of the "Russian world" is considered. The main areas of activity of the Russian special services used in the implementation of the policy of aggression are identified: information and psychological operations, cyberattacks, sabotage, support for terrorist groups and proxy structures. Specific examples (cases) of the use of Russian special services in foreign policy operations are analyzed – in particular in the context of armed aggression against Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbas and the full-scale invasion of 2022. The focus is on the consequences of the activities of the Russian special services for international and regional security, as well as for the sovereignty of Ukraine. Mechanisms for countering the activities of the Russian special services and ways to strengthen national security are identified. In particular, the international reaction and legal mechanisms of the Russian Federation's responsibility for aggression and the actions of its special services are analyzed. The system of counterintelligence and cyber-defense measures of Ukraine is presented. The role of international partnerships in countering hybrid threats is characterized. Proposals are made to improve the state security policy of Ukraine.

This After the end of the Cold War and the emergence of internal problems such as the division of societies on the basis of ethnicity and nationalism، the escalation of terrorism، the increase in drug abuse and illegal immigration... etc. ، It became clear that security is not only limited to the external security of countries and the national interests. In fact، internal problems، might pose a fundamental threat to the security of societies، the emergence of internal security threat coincided with the emergence of new security schools and theories. The new theories worked to expand the concept of security when they linked between internal and external security. They considered the security of people and communities as a security reference object، alongside state security. One of the main school that give importance to the internal security as a referent object is the Copenhagen school. The concept of community security is one of its main theses. This study examines the causes of insecurity in the societies and examines how the security might be achieved according to the main thesis of Copenhagen school.