Media Interactions with Muslims

The water pollution affecting human health is a crisis and big test, which tests the mainstream news media's ability and level of communication to respond to major public opinions and public emergencies. The contaminated water is a crisis and a major test, which tests the ability and level of communication of major news outlets to respond to important common views and emergencies. It aims to understand the perception and attitude of the international mainstream media towards China during the contaminated water. The work sorted out the mainstream media's reporting of China from the contaminated water to the present and selected the New York Times, The Times, and the Guardian as examples. We could understand the changes in China's international image during the water pollution through these mainstream media reports on China. The results show that these media reports on water pollution in China mainly focused on negative public opinion, which accounted for more than 70% of the total number of reports. Western developed countries such as the United Kingdom and the United States are out of consideration for their national interests. Using mainstream media to create public opinion that is not conducive to China, advocating “neo-colonialism”, “China threat theory” and other false statements, trying to limit China's influence, due to the difference in cognitive habits and the influence of British and American media hegemony also affects the country The communication and understanding between the two have brought obstacles.

The spread of “fake news” is a threat to the credibility of the media in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), including Eswatini (formerly Swaziland). These intentionally false stories or disinformation purporting to be news threaten the democratic role of mainstream media in creating a well-informed citizenry. There is hate speech, and disinformation directed at the royal family, the cabinet, prominent figures and the larger Swazi society. This study focuses on disinformation in the mainstream media, the Swazi Observer and the Times of Swaziland, and the strategies being adopted to combat it. The article adopts a qualitative methodological approach using in-depth interviews with journalists and qualitative content analysis of the newspapers as data-gathering methods. The study reveals that the dissemination of false information is partially a consequence of the secretive nature of Swazi society even on matters of public interest. This has resulted in people spreading false news through social media aimed at ridiculing those in authority. On the other hand, “fake news” has found its way into mainstream media as journalists use the internet and social media such as Facebook and Twitter as sources of news without verifying their authenticity due to the pressure to be the first to publish.

In this digital era, people rely on the internet for their news consumption. As people are free to express their opinions on social media, much information shared on the internet is loaded with propaganda. Propagandist contents are intended to influence public opinion. In the mainstream media or prominent news agencies, the authors’ and news agencies’ own bias may impact in the news contents. Hence, it is required to detect such propaganda spread through news articles. Detection and classification of propagandist text require standard, high-quality, annotated datasets. A few datasets are available for propaganda classification. However, these datasets are mostly in English. Hindi is the most spoken language in India, and efforts are needed to detect its propagandist contents. This research work introduces two new datasets: H-Prop and H-Prop-News, which consist of news articles in Hindi annotated as propaganda or non-propaganda. The H-Prop dataset is generated by translating 28,630 news articles from the QProp dataset. The H-Prop-News dataset contains 5500 news articles collected from 32 prominent Hindi news websites. We experiment with the proposed datasets using four supervised machine learning models combined with different feature vectors and word embeddings. Our experiments achieve 87% accuracy using Logistic Regression with TF-IDF feature vectors. The datasets provide high-quality labeled news articles in Hindi and open new avenues for researchers to explore techniques for analyzing and classifying propaganda in Hindi text.

Iran–US relations – strained at the best of times since the 1979 Iranian revolution – have never been worse than during the past six years, due to the much more intense interaction between the two ...

Examines American journalists' and media companies' roles in Hitler's Germany, reigniting the debate on the relationship between political power and the media. Despite Hitler's international use of propaganda, and despite the power of the US press, historians have neglected American journalists' activity in Nazi Germany. American media companies expanded their presence in Germany after 1933, and the Associated Press (AP) conducted business with Hitler's regime throughout the war. Norman Domeier's study, now in English, is the first to examine critically and in detail the roles of American journalists and media companies in Hitler's Germany, showing that they knew about but kept secret the plans for rearmament, the occupation of the Rhineland, the annexation of Austria, and the invasions of Denmark, Norway, and the Soviet Union. The book documents the "companionship" between Adolf Hitler and Karl Henry von Wiegand, chief German correspondent of the Hearst press, who was the first and last American to interview him. Most important, it details the secret exchange of news photographs - discovered by Domeier in 2017 - between the AP and the Nazis from 1942 to 1945. Thousands of AP photos were used in the Nazi press, usually with anti-American or anti-Semitic spin, while the AP distributed ca. 40,000 Nazi photographs to US newspapers. Domeier's book reignites the debate on the relationship between political power and the media, opening up new perspectives on the political and cultural history of journalism beyond one-sided idealizations.

In recent years, several trends can be seen in the media environment: a massive expansion of the range of information sources, fragmentation of the audience, a paradigm shift in access to and search for information, and the rise of so-called alternative media. Although alternative media is not a new trend, the emergence of social networks, the ease of creating, disseminating and sharing media content, together with factors such as the polarisation of society and the crisis of trust in institutions, are contributing to the changing landscape of alternative media. The literature review shows the fluctuation of meaning, the instability of the term. In scholarly texts we find references to alternative media as community media, radical media, critical media, with the common denominator being the presentation of topics and opinions that are not sufficiently presented in the traditional media. In the Slovak media environment, alternative media are mostly perceived as those through which disinformation, conspiracies and hate speech are spread. The study presents the results of qualitative research focused on journalism students and their attitudes towards alternative media. The aim was to find out how they perceive alternative media in relation to traditional media and the spread of misinformation. The research is based on in-depth interviews with eight first-year students of the journalism study programme. The interviews show that the perception of alternative media is not uniform. On the one hand, they are perceived as a space for opinions that do not get attention in the mainstream media, on the other hand, they are also perceived as disseminators of misinformation. Despite the impossibility of generalisation, it is interesting to note that the respondents have no experience of systematic media education addressing verifying information and media credibility.

Ten years after publication of the first edition of Timothy Shiell's path breaking study, restrictions on faculty and student speech on college campuses continue to be hotly contested in the mainstream media, on the internet, in the journals of academic disciplines, in courtrooms, classrooms, and chat rooms. This revised edition adds substantial new material that updates cases and conflicts during the past decade, expands the original's coverage of the relevant literature, and dramatically reinforces Shiell's original argument. In the first edition Shiell noted that, despite commitments to free speech and the open exchange of ideas, American colleges and universities had increasingly ignored such principles by implementing numerous hate speech codes designed to protect students from racial, sexual, and other forms of harassment. Taking their cue from Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which guarantees the right to a non hostile workplace environment, those regulations had posed seemingly unresolvable conflicts between the ideals of free speech and equal protection. Shiell explored both sides of the fiery debate over campus hate speech codes to bring out their philosophical and legal underpinnings, clarifying classic free speech arguments as well as the ideas of harm and hostile environment, and analyzing numerous case histories. Pointing out that Title VII wasn't meant to apply to academia, Shiell also encouraged readers to consider the role of the courts in eliminating prejudice in this setting and presented a strong argument for the form the codes themselves should ideally take. The new edition adds substantial new material on developments concerning the Deterrence Argument, the hostile environment approach, new judicial decisions, and the International Argument. It also updates the comprehensive bibliography and list of legal decisions, significantly increasing the value of both for scholars and policymakers alike. Shiell eloquently makes the case that campus speech codes - no matter how well grounded in history, law, or philosophy - have tended to be overbroad, arbitrarily enforced, and used selectively to protect only certain groups at the expense of others. For that reason especially, his book will continue to challenge academics and general readers to reconsider how we deal with this important issue.

The Geopolitics of Representation in Foreign News: Explaining Darfur. Bella Mody. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2010. 478 pp. $100 hbk. $44.95 pbk.Bella Mody's cross-national study of news media reporting of the Darfur crisis is among the most extensive and complex of its kind. Mody is James de Castro Chair in Global Media Studies in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Colorado, Boulder. The book is the collaborative outcome of an endeavor spearheaded by Mody that also involved several of her graduate students.The study investigated coverage of the Darfur crisis by ten news organizations over twenty-six months. The organizations were the New York Times, the Washington Post, Le Monde, the Guardian, Al-Ahram, People's Daily, China Daily, BBC.co.uk, English. AlJazeera.Net, and Mail & Guardian Online. The range includes some that are based in the global North, some in the South, a mixture of privately owned and state owned, some oriented to national audiences and others aimed at foreign audiences. Some are print, some online. The organizations differ in the extent to which their countries of location had historical geopolitical affiliation with Sudan or current national interests.The study draws on a total sample of 1,198 articles from the ten media, published during the first twenty-six months of the crisis (January 2003 to February 2005). Among other variables, each article was analyzed for its focal frame or dominant focus. Frames included causes (historical and contemporary), conduct (nature, status, process, and conduct of the crisis), and remedies. Headlines and text were also analyzed for the presence of three keywords: ethnic-race terms, genocide, and oil/ petroleum. Coders rated the emotional intensity of articles as high, medium, or low. Following extensive literature review and background on the Darfur crisis, the book is organized by a series of comparative analyses of different pairs of news organizations representing China's state-owned English- and Chinese-Language newspapers (China Daily and People's Daily); South Africa's Mail and Guardian Online with the Egyptian Al-Ahram; UK's Guardian with France's Le Monde; the New York Times with the Washington Post; and the websites of the BBC and Al Jazeera.The study confirms many long-standing criticisms of the performance of news media. While news representations of cross-national foreign events were most noticeable for their diversity of lenses and foci, one noticeable similarity was the relative neglect of the causes of the crisis. Otherwise, coverage was influenced by the national locations and characteristics of news organizations. Perhaps disappointingly for those who hoped for convincing evidence of improvement in North-South performance since the 1970s' NWICO debates, coverage by media of the global North proved strongest in several respects. This was surely related to the superior resources available to those organizations, but many other factors were at play. Locational standpoint matters, says Mody. Each news organization was embedded in a distinct geopolitical context that shaped its news representations.The study constructed a multilevel measure for level of press attention. Le Monde, BBC.co.uk, and the New York Times gave most attention to Darfur. News organizations located in China and Egypt, with a high national interest in Sudan's oil, trade, and water, produced mostly news articles of low emotional intensity. …

INTRODUCTION Using a known platform to share content which is often overlooked by scholarly communication networks, The Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) LibGuide from the University of New Mexico Libraries facilitates access to Native American perspectives on the #NODAPL movement through inclusion of social media content and primary source materials. This LibGuide highlights Native American voices and stories, content that is difficult for people outside Native American communities to find and shares a different view of the protest movement absent from most mainstream media coverage. DESCRIPTION OF PROJECT Rather than a comprehensive listing, a majority of the guide content comes from Native American media outlets and Native American social media accounts by individuals and groups instead of library resources behind paywalls. Non-Native mainstream and alternative media sources are listed if authored by a Native American or if much of the source features a named individual using first-hand accounts. The DAPL LibGuide is the most viewed guide at UNM and was replicated at a small number of other academic libraries. NEXT STEPS Libraries can support the democratic process by highlighting similar types of community created content shared outside of scholarly communication networks, giving space to voices regularly unheard. The DAPL guide may be considered, along with similar social justice and topical guides as the beginnings of a new model which reimagines the possibilities of the LibGuide resource.

This paper seeks to answer two questions: Has there been a shift in the representation of Muslims by the American media in the wake of increasing number of Muslims living here, and could Muslims speak for themselves through an autonomous Muslim discourse in the post-9/11 period? Using the tools of postcolonial analysis, I analyze the coverage on Muslims in the mainstream media following the 9/11 attacks. I find that there was a shift, in the form of a differentiation between moderates and fundamentalists. Additionally, the same tropes used to represent Muslims in the colonial discourse were now employed to the fundamentalist “Other.” Muslims could speak up; however, this could not avoid reproducing the dominant discourse. Yet, the presence of a significant Muslim minority offers opportunities for broadened boundaries of “American” citizenry that can be realized by growing activism to this end.

Reviewed by: The International Distribution of News: The Associated Press, Press Association, and Reuters, 1848–1947 by Jonathan Silberstein-Loeb Andrew Hobbs (bio) Jonathan Silberstein-Loeb, The International Distribution of News: The Associated Press, Press Association, and Reuters, 1848–1947 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. xiv + 256. £19.99/$29.99 paperback. Forget about individual news reports for a moment; forget the writers and journalists, newspapers and publishers. Instead, stand back and look at the systems for buying, selling, and bartering news wholesale. This macro view, imported from business history, enables Jonathan Silberstein-Loeb to make sense of many Victorian newspaper phenomena, such as the unwritten rules of scissors-and-paste journalism, the growth of the provincial press in the second half of the nineteenth century, the rise of new forms of publication such as the halfpenny evening newspaper, and differences between British and American journalism. His book also addresses big questions such as the very nature of news, technological determinism, differences in kind between metropolitan and provincial journalism, and the continuities in government policy which linked the repeal of the newspaper taxes with the nationalisation of Britain’s telegraph companies. Silberstein-Loeb starts from the idea that news is property but interprets it as a commodity that has never had clear status as property. This has led governments and businesses to come up with various wheezes to deal with news as quasi-property or to subsidise its collection and distribution. [End Page 435] These wheezes have protected news from market forces, thus exposing the fiction of a free market in ideas so central to Victorian rhetoric about the educational value of journalism. Silberstein-Loeb’s comparison of news distribution in Britain and the United States highlights the influences of geography, political culture, and chance in the development of commercial telegraph companies; co-operative news associations such as the Associated Press (AP) in America and the Press Association (PA) in Britain; and commercial news agencies such as Reuters. In turn, the history of news distribution affected the different histories of newspapers on each side of the Atlantic. The American case is dealt with in the first two chapters, followed by two chapters on Britain, which will be the focus of this review. Two further chapters discuss Reuters in the British Empire and international co-operation between Reuters, the AP, Havas in France, and Wolff in Germany. To the surprise of its inventors and commercial promoters, the electric telegraph soon became popular as a carrier of news to newspapers (so much for technological determinism), and the leading British telegraph companies set up a combined “intelligence department” to gather and distribute this intelligence to newspapers. Provincial papers were their chief customers because there were more of them than London papers, but they had fewer staff to collect their own news. In America, by contrast, telegraph companies carried the news but never gathered it. Silberstein-Loeb argues that the British tradition of government subsidy for news through cheap postage (the stamp duty) continued when in 1870 the post office took over the commercial telegraph companies in the first major act of nationalisation. Provincial newspapers lobbied for preferential telegraph charges for the press, rigging the market in favour of regional papers until World War I. (Silberstein-Loeb never explains the role, if any, of London papers in these negotiations.) Provincial publishers seized the opportunity to set up the co-operative Press Association, distributing the news gathered by individual papers. Silberstein-Loeb believes that implicit government policy in favour of business plurality led to an explicit structuring of the post office telegraphs in favour of the provincial press, but he provides little evidence for this. Regardless, cheap telegraphed news benefited the provincial press more than the London press, presumably because the former were further from Parliament and other centralised news sources. They were also more dynamic in seizing the legal and commercial opportunities of nationalisation by creating the Press Association, which struck a deal with Reuters for cheap foreign news. Silberstein-Loeb examines this narrative through the business concepts of markets, property in news, co-operation (or cartels, for example between newspapers and news agencies), and its converse, exclusion (of Reuters from the...

Le mouvement Occupy Wall Street, depuis ses débuts en 2011, a été relié à la théorie et à la pratique anarchiste par différents universitaires tels que David Graeber, Nathan Schneider et Mark Bray. Cependant, Occupy n’est pas un cas isolé dans l’histoire des mouvements sociaux. Le mouvement s’est développé à un moment où les manifestations des courants anti-néolibéral et pro-démocratie — à la fois locales et mondiales —, qui étaient apparues à la fin du XXe siècle, ont atteint un point culminant. En quelques années, des manifestations, des révoltes et des protestations sociales se sont répandues à travers le monde, au Nord comme au Sud. Cela va des printemps arabes en 2011 au mouvement de Gezi Park en 2013, en passant par les protestations en Grèce, le mouvement des Indignés et Occupy Wall Street. Cet article s’intéresse à la présence d’idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein de ces mouvements, apparus au début des années 2010. Il s’appuie sur des études qui portent sur les aspects politico-économiques de ces mouvements. On pose comme hypothèse que si l’anarchisme est lié aux mouvements des années 2010 c’est au travers de ses valeurs et de ses pratiques politiques et économiques. En effet, la période qui précède les mouvements des années 2010 – –qui s’étale du milieu des années 1990 jusqu’en 2010 – a vu le développement des mouvements anti-néolibéral, altermondialiste et pro-démocratie. Ainsi, le point de contestation central qui caractérise ces mouvements – que l’on qualifiera de mouvements de la 3e vague – est donc bien politico-économique. Les études empiriques utilisées comme base de travail pour cet article ne montrent pas toutes de façon explicite le lien qui existe entre ces mouvements et l’anarchisme, mais elles révèlent cependant l’usage de pratiques politiques et économiques alternatives qui peuvent être considérées comme anarchisantes – proches des idées anarchistes sans le mentionner clairement. La présence d’idées et de pratiques anarchistes au sein des mouvements des années 2010 montre ainsi un lien avec la réémergence de l’anarchisme, sous la forme du post-anarchisme, depuis le milieu des années 1990 et dont le développement est étroitement lié au mouvement altermondialiste. Sous cette nouvelle forme, l’anarchisme a tendance à s’éloigner de son passé violent du XIXe siècle. Ainsi, même si l’anarchisme n’est pas mentionné comme tel dans la presse grand public, il existe au travers de nouveaux mouvements tels que l’alter-mondialisme et les expériences de démocratie directe.

Women's rage is well documented and debated in feminist theory, the mainstream media and social movements in the Global North. This article asks: what does rage look like in the fragmented political landscapes of the Global South? What is the affective threshold of women's rage in these contexts? Building on the literature on feminist rage, this article offers ‘raging’ as a framework that encompasses a range of women's everyday, affective practices of producing knowledge of themselves and making life liveable in patriarchal, illiberal and fragmented landscapes. Utilizing 12 months of ethnographic research among women's rights activists in urban Pakistan, I explore women's practices of raging that are not always visible or documented yet that allow them to create alternative possibilities for themselves. Focusing on Pakistani women's everyday struggles, this discussion emphasizes raging as a practice through which urban women cultivate knowledge of themselves – a knowledge which is woven into the very fabric of their lives. While women's agency has been explored extensively in the context of Islamic piety within recent literature of the Muslim world, this article explores women's agentive practices beyond the realm of religious subjecthood. By focusing on raging as a capacious category, this article expands the boundaries of what counts as feminist rage and who is able to participate in it. It also emphasizes raging as a practice that is ongoing and unstable as women constantly negotiate their everyday circumstances and the hierarchies imposed upon them.

After World War II, Reuters, lacking funds, faced difficulties. US agencies were strong worldwide. Agence France-Presse (AFP), the new French (international news agency) INA, was founded. All agencies diversified services.

This study explores Pakistani university students’ construction of information literacy skills, and the practicability of these skills in the context of the media scape, information culture, and society. Students (n=450) were selected from Pakistan's largest universities through convenience sampling. Variables were verified through paired-samples t-tests. Findings revealed that the majority of the students perceive information to be definitive and objective, while a minority of students acknowledge the interpretive completion of information. Students were found to be more active participants in interactive media activities than in the critical evaluation of media content. Similarly, mainstream media like Radio and Magazines were found moderately influential in fostering civic engagement, while Television and Newspapers were ranking lower. It is recommended that information literacy and civic engagement be part of university curricula to foster their significance among students