Middle-Class by Design

This study was conducted to understand the infant (0-12 month) feeding practices among different classes' mothers in Dhaka city. The study was carried out among the 183 mother-infant pair of the upper, middle and lower socio-economic classes in Dhaka city and purposive sampling method was applied. The study was conducted at following areas in Dhaka city which were selected purposively. The mean age of upper class, middle class and lower class were 35±4, 25±3 and 21±7 in years. Regarding first feeding it was observed that upper (75%), middle (85%) and lower class (48%) first gave colostrum. It also observed that 18% of upper class mother first gave powder milk, while in case of middle class it was 5%. In lower class preference of giving honey and sugar water were 21% and 12% respectively. The starting time of breast feeding indicated that in upper classes (74%) breast feeding initiated within one hour, while in middle (75%) and lower classes (84%) it was given within 12 hours. It was highlighted that 44% upper and 36% lower class mothers started complementary feeding at 3 month of the baby respectively, while in middle class 61% mother started complementary foods at 5 month of their baby. In case of duration of breast feeding practices, middle and lower classes breast-feed continued longer time than upper class. Majorities of the upper class prefered egg, soup, fruit juice while middle class liked meat-fish, egg, khichuri, fruits. On complementary feeding the lower class choiced mainly rice-potato, dal, khichuri or vegetables. The study result should not be generalise and need further large scale research. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/akmmcj.v5i2.21124 Anwer Khan Modern Medical College Journal Vol. 5, No. 2: July 2014, Pages 5-8

Objectives: This study aimed to investigate the difference in developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness by gender and socioeconomic status among adolescents and examine a model linking developmental assets and gratitude to happiness. Methods: The participants were 1,373 Korean adolescents aged 12-18. Descriptive statistics, T-tests and ANOVAs were used to analyse the demographic difference. The hypothesised model tested using path analysis techniques within a structural equation modelling. Adolescent Developmental Asset Measure by Jung15, Korea Version of Gratitude Questionnaire by Kwon, Kim, and Lee17 and Oxford Happiness Inventory developed by Hill and Arygle18 were measured. Results: Boys and girls did not differ significantly on total scores of internal development assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness. There were significant differences in internal developmental assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness according to SES (F = 30.69, F = 39.46, F = 13.90, F = 21.38, p<.001). Adolescents in middle and high class got more internal developmental assets than adolescents in low class. Adolescents in high class had more external developmental assets than adolescents in low and middle class. Adolescents in high class feel more gratitude and happier than adolescents in low and middle class. The model fit indices suggested that the hypothesised model adequately fit the data (χ2 = 11.71, df = 1, p = .01, CFI = 1.00, TLI = .96, RMSEA = .08). The developmental assets of adolescents directly affected happiness and also influenced happiness indirectly through gratitude. Conclusion: The findings from this study demonstrated the importance of gratitude a mediating factor increasing the happiness of adolescents. Keywords: Adolescent, Developmental Asset, Gratitude, Happiness

Chutes &amp; Ladders: Middle Class in Motion

Classified by Warner's Index of Status Characteristics as either middle class (MC) or lower class (LC), 10- and 15-year-old children learned a list of five low association nonsense syllables by the anticipation method to a criterion of one perfect recitation under one of three incentive conditions: material, social approval, or no incentive. As predicted, 10-year-old LC children performed better when offered a material incentive, whereas their MC peers performed best under social approval. There were no significant differences in learning between 15-year-old MC and LC children, suggesting that with age older LC children become more responsive to nonmaterial reinforcers as they become increasingly exposed to MC norms.

Few previous studies have examined the impact of social class on language attitudes and language use in mainland China. A total of 215 questionnaires were collected from a university in China for this study. The participants were classified into four social classes: upper middle class, middle middle class, lower middle class, and lower class. Then an individual interview was conducted with 10 students. Findings show that the students from the upper middle class had significantly lower attitudes toward local dialects and they had the lowest percentage of current use of dialect at home. The study adds evidence to findings of previous studies that local dialects might face certain danger of maintenance. It also shows that this change would start from people from the upper middle class. The study also points out a possible future tendency that social class privilege will play a more significant role in English learning and education.

This study aims to find out how far the upper middle class dominates the lower class and to find out and analyze the narratives built in textbooks when interacting with the lower class. This research uses qualitative research based on library research, where the source of data used as research material is Kindergarten B textbooks. The data is analyzed using content analysis, namely; pragmatic content analysis, semantic content analysis, and analysis of sign means. The results of the study show that the dominance of the upper middle class over the lower class is drawn through lifestyles, such as; vacation to the beach, sitting on soft sofa chairs, diving, and so on. The narrative developed in the Kindergarten B textbook focuses more on urban lifestyles and the balancing narrative that can fit into the upper and lower middle social class is not too significant. Or in another language not apple to apple. Keywords: Hegemony, Upper Middle Class, Textbooks

&lt;p&gt;The paper focuses on the nature of a population distribution (polarized or not) and its possible influence on societal conflict. Despite theoretical and empirical studies on the link between population’s polarization and social conflict, the relationship remains in question. Up to now, the role of a multidimensional polarization has been neglected and the determination of social classes by their roles and functions (and not by their resource level) has been ignored. To extend the research, we first define a multidimensional polarization index and approach it empirically through quantitative and qualitative data (often textual data) over a very long period in accordance with the historiographical method. First, this paper refutes the stereotype of a medieval French urban population polarized between rich and poor. Second, over the same period, we build a database of the intensity and occurrence of societal conflict on a sample of twenty-four French towns. The paper finds that over time the low initial degree of the population’s polarization continued to decline while societal violence was increasing. Third, whereas polarization is excluded as a determinant of societal conflict, the inter-group heterogeneity measure (or social distance) highlights some relationships. The results show that societal upheavals may be quite connected with the social distance index defined between the high and middle classes; moreover, this social unrest may be greatly related with the index defined between the high and the low classes. By contrast, the results find an outbreak of societal conflicts when social distances between the middle and low classes decrease.&lt;/p&gt;

Noting the wide differences in verbal abilities of middle and lower class children, the investigators proposed that two groups of children, one from the lower class, one from the middle class, who achieve comparable total scores on a group intelligence test, would get their scores by successfully completing different sets of items. In the first study children were placed in social classes based on their fathers’ occupations, following guidelines from the Warner scale. Middle class children were matched with lower class children on total Otis scores. No item‐social class interaction was found. The study was repeated using the occupational categories of the Dictionary of Occupational Titles as a guide to social class standing. Again no item‐social class interaction appeared. If two social class groups are equated on total intelligence scores, one social class sample appears to succeed on essentially the same test items as does the other social class sample. A given score on an intelligence test appears to represent the same skills for one social class as it does for another social class.

Although planned as the City of Tomorrow, the Bijlmer district in Amsterdam quickly became the quintessential symbol of urban decline. Today, even with half of the planned renewal of the Bijlmer completed, the alleged success of this urban revitalisation programme is questionable. Parts of the middle class did not move out and some are even returning to the Bijlmer; the combination is producing a type of black gentrification, which forces the undesirables like drug users, homeless people and undocumented immigrants to leave. This revanchist renewal not only benefits the middle and lower-class population of the district, but it also serves the interests of private developers. European revanchism makes the city safe for corporate investment and aims to restore social order as well as stimulating the development of a strong middle class. This paper demonstrates how hard revanchist policies are demanded not only by private developers but also by the middle and lower classes, and they exist alongside soft caring policies, even for the undesirables.

In the aftermath of the First World War, some European elites resorted to dictatorships as a way to halt the advance of the left. In these cases nationalism and counterrevolution were two sides of the same coin. Repression of political opponents went hand in hand with vast programmes of mass indoctrination in nationalist values designed to gain the hearts of the population, diminish the appeal of the left among the lower classes and legitimize the dictatorships simultaneously. The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera has to be understood within this counterrevolutionary European context as a nationalist regime which attempted a vast process of mass nationalization in National-Catholic values. Like many other dictators of the interwar period, the Marquess of Estella realized that the liberal oligarchic system would not hold in the post-1918 world and envisaged the need to create a new authoritarian state that could integrate the masses without paying the toll of a real democracy. In Spain, and elsewhere, this required the creation of a new political discourse that would redefine the traditionally dominant liberal canon of the nation and rally the people around the Dictatorship via ‘negative integration’, that is, the assimilation of the lower and middle classes through nationalist ideas that emphasized foreign and domestic foes.KeywordsInterwar PeriodMass NationalizationBlended ElementLanguage Teaching PolicyNegative NationalizationThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

This article constructs an understanding of the Brazilian middle classes using economic, sociological, and cultural factors. It argues that the so-called new middle class is actually an expanded vulnerable class, and that the middle classes are simultaneously conscious and in denial of injustice toward the lower classes. The argument is based on an accidental biographical ethnography: reinterpretation of a field journal and the use of one person to understand broader trends. The resulting textual product juxtaposes biographical passages with theoretical analysis, deviating from traditional article structures to share the voice of the biographical participant while also critically examining the implications of this voice.

In the mid-20th century only 10 percent of all black workers were employed in middle class occupations. Today, however, they represent ap? proximately 27 percent of employed blacks (Landry, 1987: 2-3). This significant increase was a consequence of events occurring during the 1960s, such as an expanding economy, the Civil Rights Movement, and the im? plementation of state and federal laws mandating equal employment opportunity for all American citizens. Since the decade of the 60s, blacks have experienced a greater degree of social mobility than in the past be? cause of the plethora of white collar occupations now available to them. For many white collar workers, employment is a primary source of social identity. Hence, one expects that as job demands gain in importance, in? dividuals will become detached from other primary associations having a basis in family, spirituality, race, and ethnicity. Of particular concern for this paper, the rise of blacks into the ranks of the middle class may function to slowly dissipate racial solidarity and/or social cohesion between them? selves and lower class blacks. In other words, I am suggesting that for the black middle class, the priorities of work and living a middle class lifestyle may, over time, take precedence over attachment and identification with issues involving race. This paper suggests then, that the identification of the black middle class with the black lower class will decrease as the former continues to occupy white collar positions and to experience upward social mobility. Indeed, this has already occurred to a significant degree, and as a result the black middle class's traditional leadership role in the black community has been altered. The effects of structural change on middle class behavior and

The analysis, using an online survey, captures the adjustments in economic behaviour and changes in the choice of financial instruments by the urban middle class in Bangladesh due to Covid-19 pandemic. It shows that 43 per cent of the surveyed households suffered income losses—57 per cent belonging to lower middle class (LMC) and 19 per cent to upper middle class (UMC) households. Nearly one-third of the LMC households reduced their food costs compared with 6 per cent of the UMC households. The pandemic has also initiated large scale changes in their financial behaviour more towards digital and online markets with nearly twothirds reporting high reliance on online purchases. The observed changes indicate a long term transformation in the financial behaviour of the middle class households. Complementary evidence highlights the need for reducing their vulnerability since rising expectations of the expanding middle class are the critical drivers of social change in Bangladesh. The key to such dynamic transformations is the creation of a more learning middle class—a dynamic middle class that would be ready to exploit the opportunities of the ‘new normal’ after the Covid-19 pandemic.

This research was about Marxism in Jack the Giant Slayer on social class and kind of Marxism. Marxism was an important thing in the society because Marxism wanted to remove social classes. Thus, this research was to describe how social classes could influence someone’s roles in the society. This research used descriptive qualitative method. The research was conducted by accommodating two theories: kinds of Marxism by Tyson (2006) and social class by Barry (2002). Tyson’s theory (2006) classifies Marxism into classism, patriotism, religion, rugged individualism, and consumerism. On the other hand, Barry’s theory (2002) classifies social class into the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class. The findings of the analysis reveal that there were ten data in Jack the Giant Slayer. The researcher found ten forms of Marxism, There were one form of classism, twelve forms of rugged individualism, and one form of consumerism. The most of kind dominant Marxism was classism. Besides, the researcher found three forms of social class, they were the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class. There were four characters of the upper class, one character of the middle class, and two characters of the lower class. The dominant social class was the upper class, which appeared in four characters.

The impact of social class was explored on Brazilian mothers' and daughters' conceptions of who should, and who actually would control decisions regarding the daughters' actions. Participants were 126 middle class and 126 lower class girls aged 11–16 years, and their mothers. No social class differences were found in daughters' judgments about who should control decisions. Lower class daughters perceived mothers as exerting greater actual control than did middle class daughters. Lower class mothers claimed higher control over prudential and conventional matters than did middle class mothers. Findings that daughters and mothers in both social classes viewed personal matters as under the daughters' control challenged the notion that interdependence is fostered by the mother–daughter relationship and are consistent with more recent views that an individualism–collectivism dichotomy should not be used to characterize cultures.