Multidimensional Polarization, Social Classes, and Societal Conflict: Evidence from Medieval Towns

This study was conducted to understand the infant (0-12 month) feeding practices among different classes' mothers in Dhaka city. The study was carried out among the 183 mother-infant pair of the upper, middle and lower socio-economic classes in Dhaka city and purposive sampling method was applied. The study was conducted at following areas in Dhaka city which were selected purposively. The mean age of upper class, middle class and lower class were 35±4, 25±3 and 21±7 in years. Regarding first feeding it was observed that upper (75%), middle (85%) and lower class (48%) first gave colostrum. It also observed that 18% of upper class mother first gave powder milk, while in case of middle class it was 5%. In lower class preference of giving honey and sugar water were 21% and 12% respectively. The starting time of breast feeding indicated that in upper classes (74%) breast feeding initiated within one hour, while in middle (75%) and lower classes (84%) it was given within 12 hours. It was highlighted that 44% upper and 36% lower class mothers started complementary feeding at 3 month of the baby respectively, while in middle class 61% mother started complementary foods at 5 month of their baby. In case of duration of breast feeding practices, middle and lower classes breast-feed continued longer time than upper class. Majorities of the upper class prefered egg, soup, fruit juice while middle class liked meat-fish, egg, khichuri, fruits. On complementary feeding the lower class choiced mainly rice-potato, dal, khichuri or vegetables. The study result should not be generalise and need further large scale research. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/akmmcj.v5i2.21124 Anwer Khan Modern Medical College Journal Vol. 5, No. 2: July 2014, Pages 5-8

Noting the wide differences in verbal abilities of middle and lower class children, the investigators proposed that two groups of children, one from the lower class, one from the middle class, who achieve comparable total scores on a group intelligence test, would get their scores by successfully completing different sets of items. In the first study children were placed in social classes based on their fathers’ occupations, following guidelines from the Warner scale. Middle class children were matched with lower class children on total Otis scores. No item‐social class interaction was found. The study was repeated using the occupational categories of the Dictionary of Occupational Titles as a guide to social class standing. Again no item‐social class interaction appeared. If two social class groups are equated on total intelligence scores, one social class sample appears to succeed on essentially the same test items as does the other social class sample. A given score on an intelligence test appears to represent the same skills for one social class as it does for another social class.

Objectives: This study aimed to investigate the difference in developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness by gender and socioeconomic status among adolescents and examine a model linking developmental assets and gratitude to happiness. Methods: The participants were 1,373 Korean adolescents aged 12-18. Descriptive statistics, T-tests and ANOVAs were used to analyse the demographic difference. The hypothesised model tested using path analysis techniques within a structural equation modelling. Adolescent Developmental Asset Measure by Jung15, Korea Version of Gratitude Questionnaire by Kwon, Kim, and Lee17 and Oxford Happiness Inventory developed by Hill and Arygle18 were measured. Results: Boys and girls did not differ significantly on total scores of internal development assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness. There were significant differences in internal developmental assets, external developmental assets, gratitude, and happiness according to SES (F = 30.69, F = 39.46, F = 13.90, F = 21.38, p<.001). Adolescents in middle and high class got more internal developmental assets than adolescents in low class. Adolescents in high class had more external developmental assets than adolescents in low and middle class. Adolescents in high class feel more gratitude and happier than adolescents in low and middle class. The model fit indices suggested that the hypothesised model adequately fit the data (χ2 = 11.71, df = 1, p = .01, CFI = 1.00, TLI = .96, RMSEA = .08). The developmental assets of adolescents directly affected happiness and also influenced happiness indirectly through gratitude. Conclusion: The findings from this study demonstrated the importance of gratitude a mediating factor increasing the happiness of adolescents. Keywords: Adolescent, Developmental Asset, Gratitude, Happiness

Few previous studies have examined the impact of social class on language attitudes and language use in mainland China. A total of 215 questionnaires were collected from a university in China for this study. The participants were classified into four social classes: upper middle class, middle middle class, lower middle class, and lower class. Then an individual interview was conducted with 10 students. Findings show that the students from the upper middle class had significantly lower attitudes toward local dialects and they had the lowest percentage of current use of dialect at home. The study adds evidence to findings of previous studies that local dialects might face certain danger of maintenance. It also shows that this change would start from people from the upper middle class. The study also points out a possible future tendency that social class privilege will play a more significant role in English learning and education.

This research was about Marxism in Jack the Giant Slayer on social class and kind of Marxism. Marxism was an important thing in the society because Marxism wanted to remove social classes. Thus, this research was to describe how social classes could influence someone’s roles in the society. This research used descriptive qualitative method. The research was conducted by accommodating two theories: kinds of Marxism by Tyson (2006) and social class by Barry (2002). Tyson’s theory (2006) classifies Marxism into classism, patriotism, religion, rugged individualism, and consumerism. On the other hand, Barry’s theory (2002) classifies social class into the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class. The findings of the analysis reveal that there were ten data in Jack the Giant Slayer. The researcher found ten forms of Marxism, There were one form of classism, twelve forms of rugged individualism, and one form of consumerism. The most of kind dominant Marxism was classism. Besides, the researcher found three forms of social class, they were the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class. There were four characters of the upper class, one character of the middle class, and two characters of the lower class. The dominant social class was the upper class, which appeared in four characters.

Chutes &amp; Ladders: Middle Class in Motion

Background: Malaria is a life threatening protozoan infection and children under 5 years are one of the most vulnerable group. Good malaria preventive practices among these group is key to reducing malaria burden and its associated mortality. Objective: The aim of the study was to assess malaria preventive practices among under-five children in Rivers State, Nigeria. Materials and Methods: This was a cross sectional study carried out in public and private health facilities in Rivers state. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the Research and Ethics committee of the University of Port Harcourt Teaching Hospital, while an informed written consent was obtained from the parents or caregivers of the participants. Stratified sampling method was used to select the health facilities and the subjects for the study. A pretested interviewer administered questionnaire was used to harvest relevant information on socio demographic characteristics of the subjects and informants and malaria preventive practices. Obtained data was analysed using SPSS version 22 and results are presented in prose and tables. Results: A total of 1138 children participated in the study constituting of 613 (53.9%) male and 525(46.1%) female giving a male: female ratio of 1.2:1. Mean age of participants was 1.74±1.08 years. Mothers, accounted for majority 1012 (88.9%) of the informants. Most of the informants had tertiary degree; 605 (53.4%) and 697 (61.8%) among mothers and fathers respectively. Among the occupations of fathers, public servants, civil servants and the self-employed were more represented, constituting 242 (21.4%), 200 (17.7%) and 149 (13.2%) respectively. Traders/ business women, the self-employed and civil servants were most represented among the occupations of mothers in the study and these accounted for 444 (39.7%), 181 (16.2%) and 137 (12.3%) respectively. Malaria preventive practices included use of Insecticide-treated bed nets (ITNs), Indoor spraying of insecticide (modified IRS), use of antimalarial drugs, clearing of bushes/ disposal of containers where mosquitoes breed and use of mosquito repellent creams which constituted 605 (53.2%), 483 (42.4%), 133 (11.7%), 4 (0.4%) and 2 (0.2%) respectively; there were 512 (45.0%) children who slept under ITNs the previous night. Also, 970 (85.2%) had window nets installed in their homes. Protective window nets was also in place in the homes of 970 (85.2%) of the study participants. Among families that practiced use of ITNs, 110 (61.8%) were from the middle social class and 62 (34.8%) were from the upper social class, while 316 (52.2%) and 276 (45.6%) were from the upper and middle social class respectively among those that practised Indoor spraying of insecticide (IRS). Conclusion: Use of ITNs, modified IRS and use of anti malarials were the common malaria preventive practices among under-fives in Rivers state and these methods were more practiced among the middle and upper social class. Education on the integrated approach to malaria prevention which advocates the use of several malaria prevention methods in a holistic manner should be intensified.

Problem setting and the research design In recent years sociologists have developed many ways of measuring social class statuses, all of which have both merits and demerits. The method used in this study is by the ranking of occupations which follows the 1955 research study of the Japan Sociological Society, “Social Stratification and Mobility in Japan”; that is, I used following three methods jointly : (1) occupational categories (non-manual vs. manual) (2) prestige class (upper, middle, and lower) (3) mixed method of subjective class identification and occupational categories (bourgeois, white-collar, and blue-collar) It goes without saying that in modern industrial societies the major index of social class position is the occupation, and the composite unit of class structure is the family. Accordingly, the primary determinant of social statuses of wives consist in their husbands' occupations ; the statuses are “shared by family members”. We can sum up the objectives of our research as follows : (1) investigating the family structure and other beckground items. (2) investigating the social class difference in social attitudes. (3) investigating the social class difference in various modes of life. (4) investigating the rate of social class endogamy by means of social mobility through marriage. Analysis of the data (1) The mean number of household members is 4.5 ; 11 percent live together with husbands' parents, 9 percent with wives' parents, and five percent with the eldest sons and his families ; the rate of nuclear families is 76 percent, and that of extended families composed of two generations couples is 24 percent. These rates show us that the family structure in Tokyo is, at least on the structural level, far more modernized than usually thought of. In subjective class identification 59 percent said “working class”, which is saliently less than the rate of male samples in Japan Sociological Society's research, 74 percent. Inversely, the rate of answers “middle class” is 10 percent higher than that of male samples (2) We used the criteria of “familistic” value attitudes as expressed in intra-family human relations. But we can only partially find social class differences in these items. Upper class sons are more inclined to live separately from their parents after mariage than lower class sons, and they think that married sons and their old parents must have an independent household. Upper class wives are more individualistic than lower class wives. Apparently in these items, upper class families are less “familistic” than lowers. In familistic ideologies about kôkô (filial piety), however, the situation is reversed, with lower class wives ranking highest. (3) With respect to the social class differences in life style, we took the following four items : 1. Mass comunication contacts. Lower class wives have less contacts with newspapers but more with radio. The latter fact is due to the TV. diffusion in upper class families. 2. Personal communication contacts. Upper classes speak more about child education and voting, lower classes speak more about prices of commodities and moving pictures. 3. Role performance pattern required of wives. In this items we cannot find any consistent class differences. 4. “Going-out” companions. Lower classes have less chance to go out with others.

The impact of social class was explored on Brazilian mothers' and daughters' conceptions of who should, and who actually would control decisions regarding the daughters' actions. Participants were 126 middle class and 126 lower class girls aged 11–16 years, and their mothers. No social class differences were found in daughters' judgments about who should control decisions. Lower class daughters perceived mothers as exerting greater actual control than did middle class daughters. Lower class mothers claimed higher control over prudential and conventional matters than did middle class mothers. Findings that daughters and mothers in both social classes viewed personal matters as under the daughters' control challenged the notion that interdependence is fostered by the mother–daughter relationship and are consistent with more recent views that an individualism–collectivism dichotomy should not be used to characterize cultures.

Introduction Daytime sleepiness impairs daily functioning and may be directly related to insufficient nighttime sleep. Previous studies have assessed disparities in sleep duration and quality, but community-level disparities in daytime sleepiness using validated measures are lacking. Methods Data were from the Sleep and Healthy Activity, Diet, Environment, and Socialization (SHADES) study of N=1007 adults age 22-60. Daytime sleepiness was assessed with the Epworth Sleepiness Scale (ESS). Predictors included age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, and social class (“Upper middle class or above,” “Middle class,” “Lower middle class,” “Poor,” or “Very Poor”). One-way ANOVAs evaluated group differences. Stepwise linear modeling evaluated ESS score relative to sociodemographic predictors. Final models included all variables entered together to evaluate independent effects. Finally, habitual sleep duration was entered as an additional covariate. Results ESS score was higher among racial/ethnic minorities (p=0.0006), men (p&amp;lt;0.0001), those with less education (p=0.008) and lower social class (p=0.0007), and those who are retired or unable to work (p=0.03); marginal differences were seen according to age (p=0.06). Using a model-building approach, age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, social class, and employment were evaluated. Only race/ethnicity (F=5.1, p=0.0004), education (F=4.8, p=0.003), and social class (F=2.14, p=0.046) incrementally added variance to model R2. No 2-way interactions were found. In the final model, significant predictors included Black/African-American race/ethnicity (B=0.94, p=0.01), some college (B=0.99, p=0.005), and being very poor (B=2.16, p=0.005). When controlling for nocturnal sleep duration, the increased sleepiness associated with being Black/African was attenuated (p=0.06), but the other relationships were still significant. Conclusion There is a “sleepiness disparity” in the population associated with race/ethnicity and socioeconomics. Daytime sleepiness in the community is associated with being Black/African-American, having some college, and being “very poor.” The race/ethnicity difference in daytime sleepiness may be partially explained by differences in total sleep time. Support This work was supported by a grant from Jazz Pharmaceuticals. The SHADES study was funded by R21ES022931. Dr. Grandner is supported by R01MD011600.

Summary The present study was designed to determine whether processes involved in trait attribution also operate in the attribution of causality for behaviors of members representing different ethnic and social class groups. Ss from two different ethnic groups (English Canadian and French Canadian) and the same social class (middle class) judged the relative importance of the internal traits of actors in causing them to behave in certain ways. The actors were described as belonging to one of two ethnic groups (English Canadian and French Canadian), one of two social classes (middle class and lower class), or to some combination of the two. The behaviors for which Ss judged actors were either of a socially desirable or socially undesirable nature. Results provided partial support for the expected relationships between ethnocentric attitudes and stereotypes on the one hand, and degree of perceived internality for behavior on the other hand. Thus, Ss showed certain tendencies to make more favorable attributi...

The wave of upbeat stories on the developing world's emerging middle class has reinvigorated a debate on how social class in general and the middle class in particular ought to be defined and empirically measured. With the aim of adding clarity to this debate, this dissertation provides a structured overview of a wide array of definitions of the middle class that have been suggested in the economics literature, and assesses their strengths and shortcomings using South Africa as a case study. Contrary to most standard approaches in the economic realm, the main argument this dissertation makes is that – in contexts marked by high inequality and socio-economic insecurity – social class is insufficiently understood by a person’s current standard of living alone. Addressing this concern, a novel conceptual framework is proposed that takes the unequal distribution of chances of upward and downward social mobility explicitly into consideration when defining class categories. It compares the proposed approach to those that have been suggested in the previous literature, investigates the sources of upward and downward mobility, and illustrates the main messages that can be learnt from linking the demarcation of social strata to an in-depth analysis of mobility patterns. Four main messages emerge from the analysis presented in this dissertation: First, the chosen indicator(s) of social class will certainly make a clear difference not only with respect to the estimated size and growth of the middle class, but especially with regard to its characteristics, needs, and relationship to other economic or political. Second, the notion of economic security and stability is central to the social and political meanings of being middle class. The stable middle class that is identified using (in-)vulnerability to poverty as a class-defining criterion will generally be much smaller than approaches relying on less demanding criteria suggest. For the specific case of South Africa, this research shows that only one out of four persons can be considered stably middle class or elite. Conversely, about half of the population are locked in persistent structural poverty. Third, if the growth of a stable middle class is a desired development outcome and focus of government policy, then an explicit focus on the stability and quality of employment is essential. Not only the lack of jobs, but also the prevalence of casual and precarious forms of work impede the development of a stable middle class. Lastly, there is an important extent of heterogeneity in the political attitudes of the middle class, which is determined by whether people perceive themselves as winners or losers under the existing political system. While those who perceive themselves as being downwardly mobile display signs of political resignation, those people who perceive themselves as upwardly mobile tend, on average, to be less concerned with corruption and more tolerant of government constraints on political freedoms.

This study examines whether and how social class matters for marital sex in China since the beginning of the 21st century. We utilize data from a national sexuality survey that has been administered at four time points: 2000, 2006, 2010, and 2015. We use a composite socioeconomic status score deriving from education, occupation, and income to distinguish between the lower class (the bottom 25%), the middle class (the middle 50%), and the upper class (the top 25%). Marital sex aspects include sexual frequency, orgasm frequency, engagement in the woman-on-top and rear-entrance coital positions, and experience with oral and anal sex. Regression results with year-fixed effects reveal significant class differentials in all aspects but anal sex. Whereas the reported sexual frequency is highest in the middle class, the engagement in various coital positions and oral sex is characterized by a positive class gradient. Temporally, we observe an upward trend in all aspects but orgasm frequency. Results from the class–year interaction effects further show that most class differentials have remained stable over the period 2000–2015. The temporal increase in sexual frequency, however, has been the greatest in the lower class but relatively negligible in the upper class.

Social stratification is the classification of people into classes that can be arranged in stages. Social stratification can also be referred to as layers between communities that classify individuals and groups who have differences. Vertical hierarchical classification of society resulted in the emergence of social classes so that the terms upper social class, middle class, and lower class emerged. This research will examine (1) how social stratification is described in the snowpiercer movie and also (2) what is the impact of social class classification in the snowpiercer movie. The research method used in this study is the qualitative method. By using the snowpiercer movie as the main data used in research studies. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that 1) the picture of social stratification that occurs in the snowpiercer movie leads to the division of social classes based on the economic status of eternal train passengers. Where people who have money will enter as first-class passengers with an upper social class and live in luxury while those who do not have money will become occupants of the rear carriage with a low social class and live in hardship. 2) The impact of this social class division is the occurrence of conflict turmoil that occurs from the lower social classes against the upper social classes or often known as class struggle. The underclass as the oppressed who try to get a good life by carrying out a revolutionary movement as a form of protest against existing differences.Keyword: social stratification, social class

Middle-class housing in the context of post-independence growth in Israel, where urban growth was guided by the massive construction of new neighborhoods and buildings, produced various types of shared dwellings which became the prevailing types of urban housing. While mass housing is discussed in the context of Israel as a key device of a modernization project on the national scale, with deep consequences for marginalized immigrants and the lower classes – it has rarely been studied as housing typology for the middle classes. Nonetheless, urban growth and national consolidation starting the 1960s led to an emerging urban middle class, whose housing was the product of diverse actors, including urban and national policy, private contractors, neighborhood associations, financial systems, architects, and planners. Yet, as the social category ‘middle class’ is muddled, how can we distinguish mass housing for the middle classes, or middle class housing? This paper examines the architectural features of three middle-class mass housing estates built in Israel in the 1960s. Asking what constitutes the middle class, we point to the capacity of an architectural analysis to identify the designed elements that construct a middle-class identity within the context of shared urban dwellings. The three cases briefly examined include the Be’eri estate in Tel Aviv, Kiron estate in Kiryat Ono, and Shchuna Bet in Beer Sheba. The three estates, developed in the 1960s by commercial and semi-commercial companies explicitly for the emerging urban middle class, employ New Brutalist architectural and urban design principles in mitigating community and individuals, public and private, identity and property.