North Africa in Transition

The 2011 Arab uprisings began in North Africa and toppled the leaders of Tunisia and Libya, but the forces that wreaked this profound change also touched their fellow Maghreb states of Algeria and Morocco. This Adelphi book examines how the politics, security and economies – which were largely stable for decades prior to 2011 – have changed in the four states. It asks why the popular revolutions in Tunisia and Libya did not spread to Algeria and Morocco; how the revolutionary states have fared since 2011; why Libya descended into a deadly civil war while the others did not; and whether the sitting governments in Algeria and Morocco have applied sustainable strategies to address the new political climate.The book includes chapters on each of the four core Maghreb states, together with regional assessments of the jihadist threat and economic challenges. It analyses the tension between security and political reform, and argues that without persistent and comprehensive development of government institutions focused on creating jobs and providing security, the region risks future protests, terrorism or even revolution – a lesson that states throughout the Middle East should take to heart.

The 2011 Arab uprisings began in North Africa and toppled the leaders of Tunisia and Libya, but the forces that wreaked this profound change also touched their fellow Maghreb states of Algeria and Morocco. This Adelphi book examines how the politics, security and economies – which were largely stable for decades prior to 2011 – have changed in the four states. It asks why the popular revolutions in Tunisia and Libya did not spread to Algeria and Morocco; how the revolutionary states have fared since 2011; why Libya descended into a deadly civil war while the others did not; and whether the sitting governments in Algeria and Morocco have applied sustainable strategies to address the new political climate.The book includes chapters on each of the four core Maghreb states, together with regional assessments of the jihadist threat and economic challenges. It analyses the tension between security and political reform, and argues that without persistent and comprehensive development of government institutions focused on creating jobs and providing security, the region risks future protests, terrorism or even revolution – a lesson that states throughout the Middle East should take to heart.

Guest Editors’ Introduction

Contents of the report are as follows: Long-term economic development: challenges and prospects for the Arab countries by Mustapha K. Nabli. Reform complementarities and economic growth in the Middle East and North Africa by Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis. After Argentina: was MENA right to be cautious? By Mustapha K. Nabli. Restarting Arab economic reform by Mustapha K. Nabli. Democracy for better governance and higher economic growth in the MENA region? By Mustapha K. Nabli, and Carlos Silva-Jauregui. The political economy of industrial policy in the Middle East and North Africa by Mustapha K. Nabli, Jennifer Keller, Claudia Nassif, and Carlos Silva-Jauregui. The macroeconomics of labor market outcomes in MENA by Jennifer Keller, and Mustapha K. Nabli. Challenges and opportunities for the 21st century by Mustapha Nabli. Labor market reforms, growth, and unemployment in labor-exporting countries in the Middle East and North Africa by Pierre-Richard Agenor, Mustapha K. Nabli, Tarik Yousef, and Henning Tarp Jensen. Economic reforms and people mobility for a more effective EU-MED partnership by Ishac Diwan, Mustapha Nabli, Adama Coulibaly, and Sara Johansson de Silva. Cruise control, shock absorbers, and traffic lights by Mustapha K. Nabli. Trade, foreign direct investment, and development in the Middle East and North Africa by Farrukh Iqbal, and Mustapha Kamel Nabli. Making trade work for jobs by Dipak Dasgupta, Mustapha Kamel Nabli, Christopher Pissarides, and Aristomene Varoudakis. Exchange rate management within the Middle East and North Africa region by Mustapha Nabli, Jennifer Keller, and Marie-Ange Veganzones. How does exchange rate policy affect manufactured exports in MENA countries? By Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis. Public infrastructure and private investment in the Middle East and North Africa by Pierre-Richard Agenor, Mustapha K. Nabli, and Tarik M. Yousef. Governance, institutions, and private investment by Ahmet Faruk Aysan, Mustapha Kamel Nabli, and Marie-Ange Veganzones-Varoudakis.

Purpose - Recent improvements in the treatment of renal cell carcinoma (RCC), with the introduction of targeted agents, have increased the need of accurate data on its epidemiology. This descriptive study was designed to collate comprehensiveinformation on RCC epidemiology from North Africa and the Middle East, which could provide the basis for further research.Methods - A network of reference oncologists in North Africa and the Middle East were invited to share all available national and regional information on RCC epidemiology, captured in a comprehensive questionnaire. No statistical analysis wasplanned as the intention was to conduct a purely descriptive study.Results - The results reported that the incidence of RCC within the region is in the range of 0.9–2.35/100,000 for men (with Lebanon as an exception at 4.3/100,000 for men) and 0.5– 1.7/100,000 for women, which is considerably lower than in Europe and the USA. No mortality or survival data are available. The age at diagnosis (mean <60 years) is lower than in Western countries and a high proportion of patients in North Africa and the Middle East (21?45%) have metastatic disease at diagnosis.Conclusions - The information presented here provides a more complete and current picture of RCC in North Africa and the Middle East; however, there are still gaps in the data. Further research is needed to allow planning of treatmentstrategies and resource allocation.

POS0240 GEOGRAPHICAL PREVALENCE OF A FAMILY HISTORY IN PATIENTS WITH AXIAL SPONDYLOARTHRITIS AND ITS ASSOCIATION WITH HLA-B27: DATA FROM THE WORLDWIDE ASAS-PERSPA STUDY

Milk products are considered as the essential food commodities for humans. Milk products contain essential elements for the human body such as protein, glucose, minerals and vitamins. Moreover, milk is considered the cheapest source of animal protein, an important resource for some related transformation industries and provides employment opportunities for a large number of small producers in both rural and urban areas. The aim of this paper is to analyze the factors which determine the supply and demand for liquid milk (henceforth milk) in the Middle East and North Africa in order to point out the main problems and constraints obstructing the milk production in this region. The research also attempts to understand the drivers for the development in milk production in the Middle East and North Africa.Total milk production in the Middle East and North Africa increased from about 12.57 million tons in 1990 to about 25.18 millions tons in 2008. This paper attempts to identify the factors which influence the effectiveness of production, consumption and foreign trade of milk in the Middle East and North Africa. The most important factors affecting consumption is the population, per capita income and produced quantity where a 1% increase in all of them results in increasing the quantity consumed by 1.3%, 2.86% and 0.611%, respectively. Milk sector provides employment opportunities for more than 25% of the working force in some Middle East and North Africa countries.

Research Article| May 01 2004 Collaboration and Empire in the Middle East and North Africa:introduction and Response Julia Clancy-Smith Julia Clancy-Smith Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East (2004) 24 (1): 125–129. https://doi.org/10.1215/1089201X-24-1-125 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Julia Clancy-Smith; Collaboration and Empire in the Middle East and North Africa:introduction and Response. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 1 May 2004; 24 (1): 125–129. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/1089201X-24-1-125 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsComparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East2004 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal Issue Section: Collaboration and Empire in the Middle East and North Africa You do not currently have access to this content.

Data transparency about critical economic issues may be key to driving growth and enhancing trust in government in the Middle East and North Africa. Several knowledge products and technical analyses on the region have been greatly constrained by the lack of availability of detailed data, and the relatively outdated nature of many available datasets. The goal of this study is to ascertain the state of data systems in the Middle East and North Africa region. Through analysis of several indicators, with their limitations in mind, the study uses descriptive analyses and uncovers six stylized facts of the region: (i) developing economies in the Middle East and North Africa have poor data ecosystems, largely due to the prevalence of conflict; (ii) developing economies in the Middle East and North Africa as a group have experienced the largest deterioration in data systems over time; (iii) data systems in richer economies in the Middle East and North Africa region underperform relative to their income peers; (iv) Gulf Cooperation Council economies underperform in data openness, especially online access, despite having the resources for online features; (v) the regulatory framework for data (data infrastructure) is poor throughout the region, especially in Gulf Cooperation Council economies; and (vi) the dispersion of source data scores – a measure of availability and timeliness of micro data – in the region suggests that national statistical offices in the region could learn from each other. Furthermore, the study summarizes data availability and timeliness for specific macro, micro, and public health indicators for countries across the region. The need for forging a social contract for data is discussed, as well as the role international institutions can play through a statistics compact for the region.

The Mediterranean region is considered a major hotspot of climate change, whose adverse effects could be both substantial and numerous. Climate change across sub-Saharan Africa would have a disastrous impact on North Africa, with severe repercussions on Southern Europe, including a further increase in migration flows. Several steps have been taken by the European Union to promote dialogue and cooperation with the Southern and Eastern shores of the Mediterranean. A fundamental step was the Euro-Mediterranean Conference of Foreign Affairs Ministers, held in Barcelona on 27 and 28 November 1995, which defined the political, economic and social framework of the relations between the European Union and those of the Mediterranean area. Within the Barcelona process, an important role was given to energy, but not only to renewable production, but also to exploration, production and trade in fossil fuels. Europe is faced with the problem of high energy dependency and security of its energy supply. Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, especially the Barcelona process, was relaunched in 2008 with the creation of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM). Moreover, current upheavals across the Middle East and North Africa, pose the question of whether these structures and tools are suitable to tackle a global picture which has rapidly changed. Over the past 50 years there has been a major change in the distribution of energy consumption within the Mediterranean region: while in the early 1970s North Africa represented only 4% of the total consumption of the Mediterranean region, and the countries belonging to the European Union 81%, during 2016 the relative weight of North Africa rose to 19% while that of the European Union decreased to 59%. There has been an increase not only in overall consumption but also in per capita consumption in the countries of North Africa and the Middle East, although the gap compared to the countries of the European Union remains very wide. In Turkey, strong economic growth since the mid-1990s has had important repercussions on energy consumption and the environment, leading to a significant increase in the consumption of fossil fuels and CO2 emissions. Analysis of the past 50 years has shown that growth rates of CO2 emissions in North Africa are very high, especially in Algeria and Egypt. The same can be said for the Middle Eastern countries, especially Jordan and Lebanon, where both the increase in per capita consumption and the increase in the population are driving the growth of CO2 emissions. Considering absolute values, almost half of such emissions are produced by the countries belonging to the European Union, especially by France, Italy and Spain, which together produce about 42 percent of the total emissions of the Mediterranean area. This fact should not be overlooked: while the growth rates of CO2 emissions in the countries belonging to the European Union have decreased significantly over time, the fact remains that they are responsible for most of the emissions of the entire Mediterranean region. In the meantime, since CO2 emissions are growing in North Africa and the Middle East, the estimate of the Gini index confirms that the gaps are narrowing not only for per capita energy consumption, but also for CO2 emissions.

Policy and economic challenges towards scalable green-H2 transition in the middle east and north Africa region

The epidemiology of Chlamydia trachomatis in the Middle East and north Africa is poorly understood. We aimed to provide a comprehensive epidemiological assessment of C trachomatis infection in the Middle East and north Africa. We did a systematic review of C trachomatis infection as well as a meta-analysis and meta-regression of C trachomatis prevalence. We searched PubMed and Embase, as well as regional and national databases up to March 13, 2019, using broad search terms with no language or year restrictions. Any document or report including biological measures for C trachomatis prevalence or incidence was eligible for inclusion. We extracted all measures of current (genital or rectal), recent, and ever infection with C trachomatis. We estimated pooled average prevalence in different populations using random-effects meta-analysis. Factors associated with prevalence and sources of between-study heterogeneity were determined using meta-regression. We identified a total of 1531 citations, of which 255 reports contributed to 552 C trachomatis prevalence measures from 20 countries. No incidence measures were identified. Pooled prevalence of current genital infection was 3·0% (95% CI 2·3-3·8) in general populations, 2·8% (1·0-5·2) in intermediate-risk populations, 13·2% (7·2-20·7) in female sex workers, 11·3% (9·0-13·7) in infertility clinic attendees, 12·4% (7·9-17·7) in women with miscarriage, 12·4% (9·4-15·7) in symptomatic women, and 17·4% (12·5-22·8) in symptomatic men. Pooled prevalence of current rectal infection was 7·7% (4·2-12·0) in men who have sex with men. Substantial between-study heterogeneity was found. Multivariable meta-regression explained 29·0% of variation. Population type was most strongly associated with prevalence. Additional associations were found with assay type, sample size, country, and sex, but not with sampling methodology or response rate (about 90% of studies used convenience sampling and >75% had unclear response rate). There was no evidence for temporal variation in prevalence between 1982 and 2018. C trachomatis prevalence in the Middle East and north Africa is similar to other regions, but higher than expected given its sexually conservative norms. High prevalence in infertility clinic attendees and in women with miscarriage suggests a potential role for C trachomatis in poor reproductive health outcomes in this region. National Priorities Research Program from the Qatar National Research Fund (a member of Qatar Foundation).

This study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by international as well as civil conflict, while revolutionary doctrines have proven to be highly disruptive of the existing structure of international politics. Conversely, the prevailing international order presents fundamental difficulties for some revolutionary states. The belief system on which its revolution was founded and which legitimized the assumption of state power by the revolutionary elite is certain to run counter to the prevailing political doctrines of many other states. David Armstrong asks whether revolutionary states are ‘socialized’ into adopting acceptable patterns of international behaviour, or whether it is the international society that is forced to change when these new states appear. He looks in detail at the French, American, and Russian revolutions and at several post‐1945 revolutionary states. He also examines the relationship between revolutionary states and the principal ordering devices of an international society: international law, diplomacy, and the balance of power. His book is a significant contribution to the ‘English School’ literature, whose central concept is that of an international society. It shows how the interaction between revolutionary states and the established norms, rules, and institutions of international society works to produce change in both the revolutionary state and international society itself. As such it elucidates the dynamic aspects of international society.

The Middle East and North Africa are one of the most conflict-prone regions. Due to its geopolitical position and oil production, the Middle East has always been the trump card in the game, both before World War II and during the Cold War, still today. Why do wars persist in the Middle East? Why has the situation in the Middle East deteriorated to this extent? Is rentier economics always a vital variable explaining political instability in the Middle East? After empirically analyzing the causes of political instability in the Middle East using various data, the study suggests that the experience of being a colony of Britain, France, and Italy hurt society and that the critical geographic location between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War suffered various harmful effects. On the other hand, the result also shows that manufacturing weakness due to the oil economy, high unemployment rates, and lack of democracy are all critical explanatory variables for political instability. Since the 2000s, the United States has increased its energy self-sufficiency rate through the shale oil and gas revolution. The Middle East is an option for the United States to buy oil. On the other hand, the Middle East is essential for the United States to export weapons. The Middle East has faced a geopolitical crisis in recent years due to these factors.

Extract When Mohammed Bouazizi, in late December 2010, set himself alight in front of the governorate of Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia, sparking revolutions across the Arab world, euphoria and wishful thinking spread that the Middle East and North Africa was finally on the path to a democratic transition. A decade later, it has become evident that the Arab uprisings were not only more complex and bloodier than initially expected, but that they set the region even further away from democratisation. If anything, the 2009 Green Movement in Iran, the 2011 Arab uprisings and the 2013 Gezi protests in Turkey resulted either in states collapsing and descending into civil wars, or in authoritarian regimes surviving waves of protests, calibrating their tools of repression and holding a tighter grip over their societies. This substantial authoritarian reversal was only possible through a combination of traditional means of repression and innovative techniques for controlling younger generations relying on Twitter, WhatsApp and Facebook for social and political dissent. People, activists and academics are more than ever disillusioned with the prospects of democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa, relentlessly emerging as a region in transition to ‘nowhere’.