Participial Ordinal Numbers in Menominee

This volume presents the collective work of a team of twenty-one scholars who have investigated headless relative clauses in fifteen languages from five language families—all Mesoamerican but one. Headless relative clauses have received little attention in the linguistic literature, despite the many morpho-syntactic and semantic puzzles they raise within and across languages and for our understanding of human language in general. Headless relative clauses have been even more neglected in the study of Mesoamerican languages. This volume constitutes the first in-depth, systematic study of headless relative clauses for any Mesoamerican languages we know of, and the broadest and most articulated crosslinguistic study of headless relative clauses that has been conducted so far. For most of the languages in this volume, there is no descriptive or documentary material on wh-constructions in general, let alone headless relative clauses. Many of the languages are threatened or endangered; all are understudied. All of the chapters constitute original contributions to typological and theoretical linguistics. The first chapter introduces and defines the varieties of headless relative clauses that are investigated in the other chapters, compares them to two related and better-known constructions, namely headed relative clauses and wh- interrogative clauses, summarizes the main findings in a comparative prospective, highlights the importance of studying headless relative clauses to understand human language, and provides a methodological framework for the other chapters and future work. All the other chapters are language-specific and follow a uniform format to facilitate comparisons and generalizations across languages.

This paper is the first investigation of relative clauses (RCs) in Wenzhounese (a variety of Wu spoken in Southern Zhejiang province, China). We provide a raising analysis of Wenzhounese RCs and discuss two main families of hypotheses for the subject preference observed in postnominal RCs, namely the linear intervention hypothesis and the hierarchical intervention hypothesis. To examine the validity of these two hypotheses, we tested fifty-six children (aged 3–6) and twenty-six adults on their production of Wenzhounese RCs. Head-external (prenominal) RCs, head-internal RCs, doubling RCs and headless RCs were elicited. The results show a subject preference in the production of head-external and headless RCs in both groups, but an object preference in the production of head-internal and doubling RCs. These findings support the notion that intervention in movement chains is computed hierarchically, not linearly.

The goal of this paper is to give a typological overview of the main characteristics of restrictive relative clauses in Gavar. The analysis is based on 572 examples of relative clauses taken from a corpus of 59 interlinearised texts, elicited examples and example sentence provided for lexical items. It is observed that relative clauses in Gavar are externally headed, with the head noun, when present, preceding the relative clause. Headless relative clauses are also possible. The relative clause begins with a relative marker. Subject relative clauses are marked with the relative marker ma whose tone varies between high and low. Non-subject relative clauses are marked with relative marker ndə́ (ná) which always carries a high tone. There is no restriction on the grammatical roles that can be relativised. Subject, direct and indirect object, oblique, genitive and object of comparison relative clauses are all possible. The gap strategy is used to encode NPrel within a subject relative clause. A resumptive pronoun is frequently but not always used to encode NPrel within a non-subject relative clause. Gavar does not have special ‘relative’ tense/aspect marking, but perfective marking on the verb is disallowed in relative clauses. The existential status of the head noun is coded by the use versus the absence of a post-relative demonstrative. Subject relative clauses with an adjectival predicate form the basis of the comparative construction in Gavar. Non-subject relative clause constructions have developed into various types of adverbial clauses.

This chapter surveys headless relative clauses (i.e. ones with no overt head noun) in Yucatec Maya, an indigenous language of southern Mexico. For Indo-European languages, discussion of such constructions has focused on “free relative clauses”—those with only a bare wh-word in place of a head—and to a lesser extent, “light-headed” relative clauses⎯those with a dedicated set of pronominal elements in place of a head noun. In contrast, Yucatec Maya is shown to allow for four different kinds of surface headless relative clause forms depending on the presence or absence of a wh-word and the presence or absence of a determiner, quantifier, or other D-element. With respect to free relative clauses, whereas many more well-studied Indo-European languages have morpho-syntactically distinct constructions for definite and indefinite free relative clauses (e.g. with an infinitive or subjunctive form in the latter case), Yucatec Maya is shown to have a single morpho-syntactic form whose (in)definiteness is determined by syntactic context.

We argue that existing syntactic typologies of relative clauses which distinguish between two categories of relatives, i.e. headed and headless relative clauses, based on the presence or absence of head NP in the main clause, do not include externally headed relative clauses with reduced and light heads such as demonstratives, pronominal person clitics, classifiers, plural number markers, etc. The Ashéninka Perené data show that the third syntactic category of intermediate heads such as demonstratives, indefinite terms, numerals, pronominal verbal clitics and classifiers should be included in syntactic typology of relatives to more accurately represent variability of headed relatives in individual languages.

We argue that Abaza, a polysynthetic language from the Northwest Caucasian family, exhibits a syntax-semantics mapping that has not been observed in any other languages before. We show that Abaza lacks wh-words and, as a consequence, matrix and embedded wh- interrogative clauses, and conveys direct and indirect content question meaning by means of headless relative clauses. We propose a compositional semantic analysis of these headless relative clauses that assigns them the same meaning as concealed question DPs, i.e. individual concepts. When occurring as matrix clauses and conveying direct question meaning, these headless relative clauses require the relative verbal form to contain a clause typing affix from a specific set. We show that these affixes cannot be analyzed as “incorporated” or “cliticized” wh- words, but rather as operators turning individual concepts into questions, i.e., sets of propositions.

This thesis examines the crime fiction of Mary Helena Fortune (c.18331910). My analysis concentrates on Fortune’s series, “The Detective’s Album”, more than four hundred self-contained crime stories published over forty years that are framed as the “casebook” of a colonial detective, Mark Sinclair. Although this series remains nominally the reminiscences of Sinclair, the stories within the casebook increasingly employ private and amateur detectives, and Sinclair himself transforms from a member of the colonial police force into a private inquiry agent. I characterise this move as constituting a shift from Fortune’s detecting heroes acting essentially as “public avengers” to becoming instead predominantly “private defenders”. Accompanying the evolution of the detective are other structural changes in Fortune’s crime fiction, so that by the 1880s an increasingly private model of detective was more often resolving a domestic mystery in a suburban setting than investigating a violent crime on the mean streets. The central aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the ways in which these transformations relate to the differentiated social and historical conditions within colonial Australia. Through the close analysis of Fortune’s crime texts and examination of the cultural and historical context in which they were produced, the thesis offers perspectives on broad cultural patterns. This thesis draws predominantly on a lineage of critics who have analysed crime fiction using Marxist, Foucauldian and Postcolonialist strategies. I utilise in particular the central paradigm of D. A. Miller’s The Novel and the Police (1988): – his assertion that in the nineteenth-century novel the “move to discard the role of the detective is at the same time a move to disperse the function of detection”. The appearance of private and amateur detectives in Fortune’s crime fiction indicates respectively the professionalisation and privatisation of the mechanism of detection, evolutions that reflect a broad embourgeoisment within her crime corpus. Such a social transformation of nineteenth-century crime fiction occurred across the industrialised world. In British crime fiction, for instance, the ordinary workaday policeman of the 1850s had given way by the 1890s to such independent and professional detectives as Sherlock Holmes. But while the embourgeoisment of crime fiction was an international phenomenon, I argue that in Australian crime fiction the emergence of private and surrogate detectives also performed a second, crucial function: to distance the agent of detection, and demotic crime fiction itself, from the enforcement of imperial order in the colonial landscape. The movement from simple criminal apprehensions to financial and reputation protection also increasingly distances Fortune’s crime fiction from the kind of direct social control necessary to enforce imperial order. v This thesis contains four analytical chapters, each of which is devoted to exploring mechanisms by which Fortune’s crime fiction dispersed the function of detection and concealed the conservative disciplinary order that underpins the fiction. The first three chapters examine familiar forms of fictional detectives: the official police detective; the private and the amateur detective; and the female detective, both official and unofficial. The final analytical chapter examines the way in which the criminal also worked as part of the dispersed function of detection. One of the key ways in which Fortune’s crime fiction works to reinforce disciplinary order is, paradoxically, to make the detectives often fail to solve the crime, so that order is restored only by the collective efforts of several individuals or through the mechanism of fate or an avenging land, or even as a consequence of the criminals’ own actions. Thus Fortune’s crime fiction is not a celebration of virtuoso individualism, as is found in the stories of Sherlock Holmes, but instead of an ethically logical and just world in which order is the product of collective efforts on the part of a largely cohesive community, and in which the apprehension of criminals and restoration of order are presented as inevitable outcomes. Stephen Knight has described Fortune as “internationally the most significant woman writing about crime in the mid-nineteenth century” (Continent of Mystery 4), and yet her impressive corpus of crime fiction has never received extended scholarly attention. This thesis addresses this omission, but more importantly, the conclusions I offer about Mary Fortune’s crime fiction contribute to an understanding of a much larger question about how Australians began to imagine and adopt a national identity in the nineteenth century. It is certainly clear from Fortune’s crime corpus that well before the nationalist-democratic cultural insurrection of the 1890s, Australian fiction already offered versions of the key paradigms that still inflect the national imagination into the twenty-first century.

This chapter documents the morpho-syntactic and semantic properties of headless relative clauses in a variety of Meꞌphaa spoken in Iliatenco, Guerrero, Mexico. Meꞌphaa possesses four types of headless relative clauses, which can be divided into two groups: those introduced by wh-expressions (free relative clauses), and those not introduced by wh-expressions. The former type is composed of three varieties: maximal free relative clauses, which are largely productive; existential free relative clauses, which are limited to a few wh-expressions; and free-choice free relative clauses, which are introduced by ájndo ‘until.’ The second type of headless relative clause is simply introduced by a relativizer/subordinator. Nearly all Meꞌphaa wh-expressions participate in some or all kinds of free relative clauses. However, the inanimate argument wh-expression dí(ne) ‘what’ seems to be robustly impermissible in such constructions.

Tense and aspect markers in Japanese relative clauses contrast with each other in unique ways not observed in matrix sentences. Different kinds of semantic contrasts appear under particular conditions, depending on whether the relative clause and matrix sentence verbal phrases represent actions vs. states, or are habitual vs. non-habitual. When verbal phrases of both the relative clause and the matrix sentence name non-habitual past actions, the occurrence of relative-clause-final -ta, -te iru , and -te ita can be explained in terms of the opposition simultaneous vs. non - simultaneous . Comparison of examples with verbal phrases of stative non-habitual matrix sentences leads to the formulation of a ‘principle of convergence’, which is later extended to other cases. When the verbal phrase of a relative clause designates a habitual past action, relative-clause-final verbal forms in -ru, -ta , and -te ita all occur, but these forms connote varying degrees of randomness, two of which are contrasted in detail as the ‘true habitual’ vs. ‘iterative’ usage.

The article considers the participial forms of the verb in the Lamukhinskiy dialect of the Even language. The Lamu-khinskiy dialect is understandable to most speakers of the Western dialect of the Even language spoken in Yakutia. The Lamukhinskiy dialect is prevalent in the territory of the Kobyai district of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) within the villages of Sebyan-Kyuel and Segyan-Kyuel. This idiome is currently among the most prosperous Even dialects with a higher vitality in terms of functioning parameters and social indicators: about 800 people regularly communicate in it, with intergenerational transmission preserved in the area of the language community. A detailed examination of the most commonly used verbal forms, i.e., the participles in the Lamukhinskiy dialect, is necessary to complete the data on specific issues of morphology and syntax in Tunguso-Manchu linguistics. In contrast to other Eastern and Western dialects, the composition of participial forms in the dialect under consideration is much broader. This study has identified for the first time the use of previously unidentified participles of the following actions: obligatory, passive, and possible with obligatory meaning. The analysis of morphological criteria and semantic content identified the perfect participle and the participle of convenience for performing an action. The article presents the author’s version of the classification of the Even dialects, including the Lamukhinskiy dialect. The study was performed based on the field materials collected by the author.

The article deals with a subject of origins and spread of suffi x -ett-. The suffi x is used to form the fi rst and the third persons singular and the third person plural of the Italian perfect form (passato remoto) of some second conjugation verbs (-ere conjugation verbs). Since the midnineteenth century a number of European experts in Romanic languages have off ered different theories of suffix -ett- origins (ideas by Demattio, Amedeo and others). On considering them we have found the majority of the theories groundless and uncreditable. We believe the Bybee - Slobin supposition to be worth noticing among contemporary ones. Their idea suggests the spread of suffi x -ett- as a consequence of rethinking the pattern that reads as follows: “Passato remoto can have a segment with a double sibilant”. The double sibilant is really present in such Italian perfect forms as disse, scrisse, visse, resse and in the corresponding forms of cognate verbs. This supposition is quite logical but still has a number of drawbacks, which prevents us from admitting it as the principle one.We suppose the theory of suffi x -ett- originating from perfect forms of the verb stare off ered by Friedrich Diez to be the most logical and verifi able. Documented evidence of it is contained in the works of Italian scholars F. D’Ovidio and R. Spina, yet the latter has some discrepancies between the periodization of the suffi x spread off ered in the work and the actual data. Some written sources may have failed to survive till present, which makes it diffi cult to reconstruct an objective picture of the process under consideration development. Yet that doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t tackle the issues of the Italian verb historical morphology.Summarizing and analyzing the views of the experts in Romanic languages mentioned above, we have put forward our own periodization of the phenomenon under consideration basing on the documented data.

Human brain potentials to violations in morphologically complex Italian words

This paper inquires into the structure of newly emerging relative clauses (RCs) in the Surgut dialect of Khanty, an endangered Finno-Ugric language of Western Siberia. The original externally headed RCs in this language are prenominal, with a participial verb form and a gap at the relativization site. More recently new types have been observed as well: post-nominal participles with and withoutťu(a morpheme that looks identical to the distal demonstrative ‘that’) as well as postnominal finite RCs with a relative pronoun. These types have emerged as a result of extensive language contact with Russian, the socially dominant language of the area. The paper provides the first detailed description and analysis of the new Surgut Khanty RC types, exploring their syntactic structure as well as the extent to which language contact has shaped these structures.

Together with the use of double negatives, the use of non‐standard verb forms is generally stigmatised in all varieties of English, including Australian English. But although we all know, for example, that some speakers use done for the past tense of do, or went for the past participle of go, we have little systematic knowledge regarding the nature or extent of this variation. Shnukal's (1978) study of Cessnock English is the only Australian study which attempts to quantify the occurrence of non‐standard past tense and past participle verb forms, or to explore systematically the linguistic and non‐linguistic factors which influence this variation, while Cheshire (1982) provides an investigation of variation in present tense verb forms in Reading English. This paper attempts to fill this gap by examining the variation in the lexical verb apparent in the speech of Inner‐Sydney adolescents. The focus of this paper will be on variation in irregular past tense and past participle forms. Two main quest...

\n Com base nos pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista (LABOV, 2008 [1972]; 2001), esta pesquisa investiga o emprego de formas verbais subjuntivas e indicativas em três contextos de subordinação orações adverbiais, substantivas (na posição de complemento do verbo da oração principal) e relativas. Os dados foram extraídos de 36 entrevistas sociolinguísticas com paulistanos e 36 entrevistas com ludovicenses, estratificadas de acordo com o sexo/gênero dos informantes, sua faixa etária (18 a 35; 36 a 59; e 60 anos ou mais) e seu nível de escolaridade (médio superior). Examinam-se as variáveis linguísticas e sociais que se correlacionam à ocorrência dessas formas. Entre as linguísticas, incluem-se variáveis como o tempo verbal da oração subordinada; o tipo de subordinador (tais como se e embora, no caso das orações adverbiais); o verbo da oração principal e o tempo verbal da oração principal (no caso das orações substantivas). Propõe-se que, em português, formas subjuntivas e indicativas funcionam como variantes de uma variável apenas nas orações adverbiais, ao passo que, nos outros dois contextos, tais formas se alternam mas não constituem sempre formas de dizer a mesma coisa (LABOV, 1972; 1978). A análise quantitativa dos dados foi feita com o pacote estatístico GoldVarb X (SANKOFF, TAGLIAMONTE, SMITH, 2005). Os resultados indicam que, no geral, é maior a tendência de ocorrência do modo indicativo em São Paulo relativamente a São Luís. Por outro lado, há indício de mudança na fala ludovicense, na direção do indicativo, em orações adverbiais e substantivas.\n