Privileged Agents vs Repressed "Spies"

In modern international legal scholarship, preliminary objections are considered procedural means for preventing the consideration of an international dispute in a judicial proceeding. This approach is adopted in works on the classification of preliminary objections. However, preliminary objections must be examined not only autonomously within a concrete litigated case, but as an integral part of the international legal policy of the concerned state. Under the concept of international legal policy, every state must participate in the development of international law following its own special strategy for advancing its international legal positions on different issues. Through coordination of wills on the elaboration of international law, every state aspires to construct its strategy, which would persuade the international community of validity and necessity of an advanced view on certain international issues with minimal concessions to other views. International legal policy is pursued at every life cycle stage of an international legal norm from law making to interpretation, application, and dispute settlement. Preliminary objections can be considered elements of international legal policy on par with other actions and declared positions of the state in the international legal field. On the basis of the international legal policy perspective, this article explores the hypothesis about the interdependence between the raised objections and the outcome of the case. This work reveals that the preliminary objections present the attitude of the state to the international dispute or to the proceedings in general, but they are not a determinative factor for forecasting the states conduct in the proceedings, and most importantly, its compliance with a binding judgment. The review of the practice of International Court of Justice demonstrates that the raise of preliminary objections does not always indicate the weakness of the states international legal arguments for maintaining its standpoint in the judicial process nor predetermines non-compliance with the judgment. Concurrently, the examination of preliminary objections as an integral part of international legal policy on a concrete issue broadens the understanding of the states position in the dispute.

The sheer vastness of the world’s oceans creates a range of security and law enforcement challenges for states and the international community, including in preventing and punishing human rights abuses at sea. While human rights apply at sea the same as they do on land, this article examines the limits of national, regional and international systems of human rights governance and international law in addressing violations of human rights at sea. It asks: what are the barriers in inter-state cooperation that prevent the prosecution and prevention of human rights abuses at sea? In answering this, the paper focuses specifically on issues of human trafficking at sea and forced labour on fishing vessels by analysing two judicial processes in Southeast Asia. It argues that responding to these human rights challenges at sea requires a collective and coordinated approach that centres the rights and safety of individuals at state, regional and international levels.

<p>In the current security concept, there are some changes to the current security object. This is due to the increasingly broad understanding of security objects. This study examines the emergence of cyber issues as a new threat to state security. Cyber actions in the virtual world are developing along with the rapid technology development. Moreover, the state policy on cyber issues is considered as a new threat to individual security. The development of that state security issue is being debated among the theoreticians of international security studies. The concept of securitization explains the phenomenon of cyber issues and receives the attention of many states. Securitization carried out by the United States on Cybercrime issues becomes the initial trigger in viewing cyber actions as a new threat to state security. The object of this paper is more focused on State policy in dealing with cyber threats. Afterward, state policy in facing the cyber threat is seen from the perspective of human security from UNDP. Therefore, there is a debate about the desired security object. State actions to reach state security are then considered as individual privacy security. So, international security now does not only focus on state objects but also on individual, environment, economy, and identity. Thus, every action taken in securing an object does not pose a threat to other security objects.</p><div><p class="Els-keywords">Keywords: Cybercrime, State Security, Human Security, Securitization</p></div>

In this paper, I reexamine the finding that the collectivization of agriculture in Eastern Europe resulted in its feminization. Using Bulgarian data, I find that, despite an increase in women's formal labor force participation, women remained concentrated in the least-mechanized, low-wage jobs. I argue that the Bulgarian state did little to break the pattern of women's responsibility for household labor and weak income opportunities. Despite its claim of promoting gender equality, the Bulgarian state incorporated women's subordinate role into a development strategy based on the extraction of surplus from agriculture.

This chapter examines societal security as a distinct concept in security studies. It highlights societal identity as a primary object of security, distinguishing it from traditional emphases on state sovereignty and individual protection. The Copenhagen School defines societal security as preserving ethno-national and religious identities under threats like migration, cultural suppression, and political marginalisation. The chapter uses examples, such as the Yugoslav wars, to demonstrate how societal insecurities arise and examines the challenges multi-ethnic states face in balancing cultural cohesion and state policies. Finally, the chapter critiques the societal security concept, addressing its potential misuse for exclusionary agendas and debating its separation from state security.

The article deals with the prerequisites for the formation and implementation of the service of the institute of military chaplains, its importance and relevance in the context of more than a decade of war and a full-scale illegal military invasion of the territory of independent Ukraine. Knowledge of the role and place of military chaplains in the armed forces, the peculiarities of their pastoral activities is necessary primarily for the full functioning of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, which include people who maintain their psychological health and resilience by being as close as possible to the Christian faith and religion. It is important to study the system of organization of military chaplaincy in the military formations of Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, taking into account the historical experience, traditional beliefs and culture of the Ukrainian people. Chaplaincy is a term that comes from the word “chaplain” and means the service of a chaplain, the institution of clergy in society. Their functions include worship among military personnel, control over their moral condition, funeral services for the dead (deceased), etc. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between the process of democratization of society and the formation of the institute of military chaplaincy in Ukraine. It was the democratic transformations that accompanied the achievement of independence that became the driving force behind changes in church-state relations. The transition to a new political system required a rethinking of the role of religion in society, which, in turn, contributed to the revival of the institution of military clergy, which had previously been ignored or falsified. In Ukraine, the concept of using chaplains in the context of national security and defense is underdeveloped, which limits their strategic importance. The role of chaplaincy could be more clearly defined within the national strategy to ensure the spiritual and moral stability of the nation, especially in times of war. Most armies in the world have military priests (chaplains) (in the United States and France, there is an institution of military priesthood that is state-supported). At the level of national legislation, their presence is prohibited only in the armies of China and North Korea. This situation is quite understandable and corresponds to the diversity of religious ideologies of different people, because even if we look at it from a purely pragmatic point of view, religion is a factor of state security. Religion provides psychological comfort in society, instills high moral ideals in citizens, and ultimately determines the nature of the economic and political development of the state. We believe that it is important that Ukraine takes part in the World Interfaith Harmony Week from February 1 to 7, 2025. This global initiative was launched to promote harmony and mutual understanding between different religions of the world. There is a shortage of military chaplains in the Ukrainian army. There are many evangelical ministers who aspire to become military chaplains, but do not meet the qualification requirements under Ukrainian law. One of the reasons is that the number of those wishing to obtain chaplaincy positions in the Armed Forces far exceeds the number of mandates available to evangelical ministers under the state quota, since the distribution of quotas for the denominational representation of military chaplains is based on the denominational affiliation of the personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The institute of military chaplain is an integral part of the Ukrainian army today, especially under the legal regime of martial law. The mission of a chaplain is not confessional. A chaplain is a universal officer who performs general functions that concern every soldier, even an atheist. He helps the soldier to serve. He helps the soldier to perform combat and non-combat tasks. Keywords: institute of military chaplains, martial law, pastoral activity, Armed Forces of Ukraine, chaplain, chaplaincy, military personnel, church, worship, religion, legislation, legal problems, improvement of legislation, military service, legal regime, religious rites, army, church, psychological support, financing, state, denomination.

Purpose: The aim of the study is to show what relations exist between powernomics, powermetrics, international relations, security, and economics of states. In addition, it is important to show the relationships between the international policy of the state in the context of its power - military, economic or demographic. Approach/Methodology/Design: As the research method, the literature analysis, theoretical foundations of powernomics and powermetrics, as well as statistical data analysis were used. Mathematical formulas were also used to calculate the power of states and to indicate the forecast, how the power of the state influences the position of the state in the international arena. Findings: It was found that powernomics and powermetrics influence the policy of states, their actions in the field of economics, security as well as inter-state relations. Practical Implications: The main effect of the research was to present the following indicators: Regions by general power in 1992-2016 expressed as a percentage of general, military and geopolitical power of two key players in the international arena in 1992-2016. Percentage share of selected countries in international control processes in 2012-2024. Originality/Value: The research provides theoretical assumptions and practical answers to the use of powernomics and powermetrics in the study of economic security of countries. They can also be used in forecasting future wars and armed conflicts.

This article presents basic issues related to the theoretical assumptions of state security policy and strategy. The aim of this article is to present basic problems related to the doctrinal assumptions of the national security strategies of the Republic of Poland. During its preparation, theoretical research methods were applied. The considerations presented in the article indicate that security of The Republic of Poland, which is the case of most countries in the world, is conditioned by external and internal factors and should be treated as a key goal of the state's security policy and strategy. They also indicate that the high level of military and non-military threats in various parts of the world makes everyone aware of the complexity of broadly understood security and the tools that the state has at its disposal for the sake of it.

The process of creating the state's security policy is determined by two decisive factors: the security culture and the resulting strategic culture. Both of these factors arise historically, based on experience and cultural political values of the state. In this article, we want to clarify both the theoretical starting points for the investigation of security and strategic culture, but also the factors that have an impact on their quality and content. We also want to point out the relationship between them. We will use primarily explanatory methods (study and analysis of documents), content and relational analysis and synthesis.

The article is dedicated to the study of the information security provision in the EU Member States in the context of analyzing their state programs, national programs as well as regulatory legal acts. This study identifies priorities and gaps in the information security provision in the EU Member States, analyzes special features of the institutional and legal mechanism of information security in the EU Member States in the context of the multi-vector international security system. The expediency of developing an integral coordinated information policy of the EU Member States, aimed at unification of the approaches to information security, is substantiated, as well as the experience of the EU Member States in this field aimed at improving the domestic regulatory framework of information security provision is studied.

The article examines the historical prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, analyzes its main provisions, and its impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the independent Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian national idea was formed in the late 19th first half of the 20th century. It was based on three fundamental provisions: the Russian state is the enemy of Ukrainian independence and therefore in the interests of Ukraine its weakening, and even better disintegration; the Russian population in Ukraine is a very serious obstacle to the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, and therefore it should be assimilated; the independence of the Ukrainian state can be guaranteed only by close cooperation with European countries, which will help it in defending its independence in the confrontation with “Asian” Russia, as Ukraine is a European country, part of Europe. On the basis of these ideological provisions it was supposed to form a Ukrainian identity. As the article emphasizes, the national Ukrainian idea in this form contains a very large charge of conflict with Russia, inevitably leads to a clash of their geopolitical interests. The proclamation of Ukraine’s independence in 1991 meant the emergence of a second Russian state, whose population had to be transformed into a Ukrainian nation. The ruling political elite of the country with the support of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as the ideological basis for the construction of the Ukrainian nation state and the Ukrainian nation adopted the basic tenets of the Ukrainian national idea, which was formed in the first half of the 20th century and put them at the basis of its foreign and domestic policy. All Ukrainian Presidents, though with varying degrees of determination and consistency, implemented them. Kiev’s policy of strengthening the country’s independence implied independence from Russia, which is seen as the main threat to the national security of the young Ukrainian state. The article states that the presidential elections of 2019 and the defeat of P. Poroshenko showed that the majority of Ukrainian society does not accept such an identity. They need an identity on other principles, which in Ukraine have not yet developed and are not visible. So far, there are no political forces, political party, that could formulate them and put them in the basis of statehood and nation-building. The current President V. Zelensky in his policy is guided by old ideas and visions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the New Independent States, Russia did not immediately realize the scale of the challenges and threats to the country’s security from Ukraine. Sobering occurred under the influence of the “Orange Revolution”, when Kiev abandoned the policy of multivectors and began to pursue a pronounced pro-Western policy. At the same time, Moscow begins to realize that it will not be able to enter the community of democratic states on its own terms, and begins to position itself as an independent center of power, opposing the West. Strengthening its positions in this confrontation, it connects with the consolidation of the post-Soviet states around itself within the framework of integration projects, first EvrAzES, and then the EAEU. Moscow linked their successful implementation with Ukraine’s participation in their implementation, because it believed that without it these projects would not be effective. However, Kiev did not want to support these plans, focusing “on entering Europe”. According to the author, from that moment the foreign policy strategies of both countries began to differ in principle and the two countries from strategic partners turned into geopolitical rivals. The West supported Kiev in its pro-Western foreign policy, considering it as an element of deterrence of Russia’s great-power ambitions. Both Moscow and the West tried to drag Kiev to their side. The coup d’etat carried out by nationalist forces in Kiev in February 2014 seemed to mean the West’s victory in this peculiar tug-of-war. In response, Moscow annexed Crimea and supported the struggle of the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR against the Kiev government. As a result, Ukraine has embarked on a tough confrontation with Russia, seeing it as an aggressor and an enemy. The author of the article comes to the conclusion, that overcoming the confrontation between them will take a lot of time and effort and for the foreseeable historical perspective the relations between them will be based on the principles of the zero-sum game. In these circumstances, there is no need to talk about partnership and cooperation, as it is a question of relations between two hostile States. The most that can be expected is to maintain a “cold peace” between them. But such a state can be achieved only if relations between Russia and the West are normalized, and a new Cold War is eliminated.

Statebuilding has risen to the forefront of international donor policies toward the security and development of fragile states, with governments now investing millions in statebuilding research every year. However, no serious study has examined the ways in which research influences policy in fragile states. Based on in-depth interviews with officials and researchers, this article begins to shed light on the central dynamics pertaining to research use in such contexts by exploring in some detail the experience of British in-country policymakers in three countries—Afghanistan, Nepal and Sierra Leone. The picture that emerges is a mixed one, with evidence of extensive use of different forms of research combined with worrying practices and lingering deficiencies in some key areas.

The U.S. government, to say nothing of a bevy of American scholars and observers housed in universities, think tanks, and consulting firms, spend much time writing and speaking about actual and potential threats to national and international security. The George W. Bush administration, much like its Democratic predecessor, also has issued several white papers that describe the threats faced by the United States and proposed policies to meet these challenges. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (2002), The National Strategy for Maritime Security (2004), The National Strategy for Combating Terrorism (2003), and even a National Strategy for Victory in Iraq (2005), are just a partial list of the official, public assessments issued by the Bush administration describing current threats faced by the United States and contemporary national security policy.1

Preparing United States and European security policy for the certainty of nuclear weapons proliferation

Chapter 4 explains that, despite the international claims of a Uyghur terrorist threat established in 2002, very few, if any, Uyghur-led premeditated acts of political violence took place inside the Uyghur homeland during the first decade of GWOT. As a result, China’s policies towards the Uyghurs and their homeland in the early 2000s were more focused on development of the Uyghur region than on combatting its virtually non-existent terrorist threat. This development also fostered a creeping settler colonialism in the Uyghur region, leading to large numbers of Han migrants to the region, facilitating displacement, and promoting Uyghur assimilation into a Han-dominated society. The chapter points to the 2009 Urumqi ethnic violence between Uyghurs and Han as the primary turning point in state policy towards Uyghurs. The state’s primary response to this violence was to expedite its development and colonization of the Uyghur region, but it also included the beginnings of a violent crackdown on pious Uyghurs, particularly in the south of the Uyghur region, initiating a self-perpetuating conflict between rural Uyghur populations and state security forces, which would escalate in coming years.