Risk, Blackness, and Postcolonial Studies: An Introduction

The United States is one of the few developed nations without a system of family allowances. Many social insurance theoreticians and welfare economists propose a system of family allowances under the OASDHI program to help meet the hard-core poverty problem in the United States. This paper analyzes empirically the desirability and limitations of family allowances in reducing poverty. The central thrust of the paper is devoted to the proposition that a system of family allowances is a costly and inefficient technique for reducing the remaining hard-core poverty in the United States. Considerable attention is devoted currently to poverty in the United States and the need for new public income maintenance programs to help the hard-core poor. New proposals include the negative income tax and guaranteed minimum income plans, reforms in public assistance, substantial improvements in the OASDHI program, and work and wage guarantees. In addition, many social insurance theoreticians propose a system of family allowances (FA) to reduce the remaining poverty in the United States.' George E. Reida, Ph.D., C.L.U., is Professor of Economics at the University of Nebraska. Dr. Rejda is the recipient of three N.A.I.I. Journal awards and serves currently as Communications Co-Editor of this Journal. He held a Huebner Foundation Fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Rejda has also served as a staff consultant to The President's National Advisory Panel on Insurance in Riot-Affected Areas. The author wishes to thank Professor C. Arthur Williams, Jr., University of Minnesota, Professor Wallace Peterson, Chairman, Department of Economics, University of Nebraska, and Professor Thomas Nitsch, Economics Department, Creighton University, for their penetrating and critical comments of an earlier draft of this paper. The views expressed in this paper, however, are those solely of the author. This article was submitted in June, 1969. 1 See Children's Allowances and the Economic Welfare of Children, The Report of a Conference, Eveline M. Burns. ed. (New York: CitiAlthough FA plans exist in sixty-two foreign nations, including Canada, Great Britain, France, Denmark, and Sweden,2 the United States does not presently employ this technique to meet the income maintenance needs of the population. The primary purpose of this paper is to analyze empirically the desirability and limitations of FA plans for reducing poverty in the United States. Other aspects of FA plans are beyond the scope of the paper. The central thrust of this paper is devoted to the proposition that FA plans are ineffective and costly techniques for reducing the remaining hardcore poverty in the United States. Poverty is defined here as an insufficiency of material goods and servicesthe basic needs of individuals and famizen's Committee for Children of New York, Inc., 1968). 2 U.S., Congress, Joint Economic Committee, Guaranteed Minimum Programs Used By Governments Of Selected Countries, Paper No. 11, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968), p. 10. 3 For a complete discussion of FA plans, see James Vadakin, Family Allowances (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1958) and Victor Gerdes, Social Security And Family Income Requirements, The Journal of Risk and Insurance, Vol. XXXIII, No. 2 (June, 1966), pp. 225-35.

The first interdisciplinary reference to cover the socioeconomic and political history, the movements, and the changing face of poverty in the United States. Poverty in the United States: An Encyclopedia of History, Politics, and Policyfollows the history of poverty in the United States with an emphasis on the 20th century, and examines the evolvement of public policy and the impact of critical movements in social welfare such as the New Deal, the War on Poverty, and, more recently, the "end of welfare as we know it." Encompassing the contributions of hundreds of experts, including historians, sociologists, and political scientists, this resource provides a much broader level of information than previous, highly selective works. With approximately 300 alphabetically-organized topics, it covers topics and issues ranging from affirmative action to the Bracero Program, the Great Depression, and living wage campaigns to domestic abuse and unemployment. Other entries describe and analyze the definitions and explanations of poverty, the relationship of the welfare state to poverty, and the political responses by the poor, middle-class professionals, and the policy elite.

Child poverty in the United States is higher than in most other advanced industrialized countries and has negative effects on children’s development and educational attainment. We review the factors that contribute to this high rate, examine its consequences for children, and document that a number of feasible policy reforms could reduce poverty and increase opportunities for poor children.

Introduction: Looking at Ourselves -Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann and Claude E. Welch, Jr. PART I. PHILOSOPHY, LAW, AND POLITICS OF ECONOMIC RIGHTS Justifying Socioeconomic Rights -Brian Orend 2. International Law of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights: A U.S. Perspective -David Weissbrodt 3. On the Margins of the Human Rights Discourse: Foreign Policy and International Welfare Rights -David P. Forsythe and Eric A. Heinze PART II. POVERTY 4. Homelessness in Canada and the United States -Barbara Wake Carroll 5. Welfare Racism and Human Rights -Kenneth J. Neubeck 6. The Movement to End Poverty in the United States -Mary Bricker-Jenkins and Willie Baptist PART III. CONTENTIOUS AND EMERGING ISSUES 7. So Close and Yet so Different: The Right to Health Care in the United States and Canada -Virginia A. Leary 8. International Labor Rights and North American Labor Law -James B. Atleson 9. Deconstructing Barriers: The Promise of Socioeconomic Rights for People with Disabilities in Canada -Sarah Armstrong, Mindy Noble, and Pauline Rosenbaum 10. The Economic Rights of Migrants and Immigrant Workers in Canada and the United States -Vic Satzewich PART IV. A EUROPEAN COMPARISON 11. The Netherlands: A Walhalla of Economic and Social Rights? -Peter R. Baehr Appendix 1. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Appendix 2. Excerpts from President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, January 6, 1941 Appendix 3. Excerpts from President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, January 11, 1944 Abbreviations Contributors Notes Index Acknowledgments

Poverty is a major social problem in the United States: in 2014, the U.S. Census Bureau reported 46.7 million people living in poverty and an estimated 14.8 percent poverty rate. The poverty rate has been steadily increasing in the United States, with a 2 percent increase in 2012 over 2007. Federal and state governments have initiated many anti‐poverty programs, starting with the New Deal Program in the 1930s. With the advent of a new governance approach in the 1990s, many hierarchical bureaucratic government agencies were replaced with public, private, network, and collaborative approaches to solve this complex national problem. Tax expenditures, vouchers, and grants are the three major governance tools used by the U.S. federal and state governments to fight poverty. This article addresses three important programs—the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF)—used in fighting poverty in the United States and discusses the problem of poverty, the effectiveness of these governance tools, suggestions for future research, and policy implications

INTERNAL COLONIALISM Internal Colonialism and the British Novel Janet Sorensen In the wake of recent studies of British national cultural formations and, increasingly, their relationship to colonial practices, the concept of internal colonialism has garnered increased attention . Defined in Michael Hechter's seminal study as "the political incorporation of culturally distinct groups by the core," internal colonialism addresses the process by which, in the crucible of nation building and its organization of a competitive domestic economy, a national core expands, subsuming "peripheral" geographic zones.1 This territorial annexation, however, also propels a political and cultural exclusion. In Hechter's initial application of the concept to Britain's "Celtic periphery," he demonstrates the Anglo-British core's systematic economic underdevelopment of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland.2 Often referred to as the "training ground" for the repressive practices of its overseas empire, Britain's internal colonies were subject to similar methods of political control and manoeuvres ofcultural suppression and appropriation.3 Attention to the political and cultural dynamics ofinternal colonialism has important implications for the ways in which we read eighteenth-century fiction, and a 1 Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The CeUicFringe in British NationalDevelopment (Berkeley : California University Press, 1975), p. 32. 2 Linda Colley, however, argues convincingly that his characterization of the Celtic fringe as homogeneous flattens out important distinctions. Britons: Forging the Nation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), p. 12. 3 See Cauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987); and Sue Zemka, Victorian Testaments (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997). EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION, Volume 15, Number 1, October 2002 54EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION number ofground-breaking recent studies, from Katie Trumpener's BardicNationalism to Leith Davis's Acts ofUnion, have undertaken analyses of the role internal colonialism has played in shaping British literary production.4 The three essays that follow explore the significance of internal colonialism, particularly in the Scottish context, for understanding the novel form and specific novels of the mideighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. These studies of internal colonialism and the novel supplement die excellent work already carried out from a postcolonial perspective interested in rereading British cultural productions for the colonial relationships to which they overtly or tacitly refer. If the territorial expropriation and regional underdevelopment of internal colonialism resemble the techniques of imperial domination, the promotion of such activities within expanding national borders throws the instability of the inside/outside binary opposition so crucial to nationalist discourse into particularly high relief. MaryJean Corbett has pointed to the ways an internal colonial approach reveals the "otherness even of ... putative insiders in a British context."5 And, as Eva Cherniavsky writes, the "internalization of 'extra-territorial' spaces and extroversion of colonized peoples ... is ... the figure of bourgeois culture delimited not at its periphery, but at its center."6 The fault lines ofmodern bourgeois national culture are most apparent in the internal colonial relationship because, considered "other" in the interest of legitimating their political and economic domination , the internally colonized must, perversely, be seen as leaving the continuity of the national culture intact. The three essays ofthis cluster, which pursue the tensions revealed in the novel specifically as a national form, reconsider novels—and 4 Katie Trumpener, BardicNationalism: TheRomantic Noveland British Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Leith Davis, Acts ofUnion: Scotland and the Literary Negotiation ofthe British Nation 1 707-1830 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999). See also the special issue on Scott, Scotland, and Romantic Nationalism.Siurfi« in Romanticism 40 (2001); James Buzard, "Translation and Tourism: Scott's Waverley and the Rendering of Culture," YateJournal ofCriticism ? (1995), 31-59; Ina Ferris, "Translation form the Borders: Encounters and Recalcitrance in Waverley and Clan-Albion, Eighteenth-Century Fiction 9 ( 1997), 20322 ;Janet Sorensen, The Grammar ofEmpire in Eighteenth-Century British Writing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); and MaryJean Corbett, Allegories ofUnion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 5 MaryJean Corbett, "Another Tale to Tell: Postcolonial Theory and the Case of Castle Rackrent ," Crilicism$6 (1994), 398. 6 Eva Cherniavsky, "Subaltern Studies in a U.S. Frame," Boundary 2, 23 (1996), 86. INTERNAL COLONIALISM AND THE BRITISH NOVEL 55 their textual and extra-textual contexts—in the period ofa coterminous "rise" ofnations and novels in Britain in the...

Information technology has been promoted as a way to improve patient care and outcomes. Whereas information technology systems for ancillary hospital services (e.g., radiology, pharmacy) are deployed commonly, it has been estimated that anesthesia information management systems (AIMS) are only installed in a small fraction of United States (US) operating rooms. In this study, we assessed the adoption of AIMS at academic anesthesia departments and explored the motivations for and resistance to AIMS adoption. Members of the Society of Academic Anesthesiology Chairs and the Association of Anesthesiology Program Directors were solicited by e-mail to participate in an online survey of AIMS adoption. Two months after closing the survey, another e-mail was sent with a single question asking for an update to their AIMS implementation status. Surveys were fully completed by 48 (34%) of the 140 Society of Academic Anesthesiology Chairs and Association of Anesthesiology Program Directors departments surveyed, with 72 (51%) providing AIMS status information. Twenty of these 72 departments have an AIMS installed, 12 are currently implementing, 11 have selected but not yet installed, and 18 are planning to purchase an AIMS in 2008 or 2009. Therefore, at least 61 (44%) of all 140 US academic anesthesia departments have committed to AIMS. This estimated adoption rate is conservative because the numerator equals the affirmative responses, whereas the denominator equals the total population of academic departments. Among adopters, the top ranked anticipated benefits from installing an AIMS included improved clinical documentation, improved data collection for clinical research, enhancement of quality improvement programs, and compliance with requirements of regulatory authorities. The hospital provided funding in almost all facilities (90%), with co-funding by the anesthesia group in 35%. At least 61 or 44% of the 140 US academic departments surveyed in this study have already implemented, are planning to acquire, or are currently searching for an AIMS. Adoption of AIMS technology appears to have reached sufficient momentum within academic anesthesiology departments to result in a fundamental change.

Book review of Garth L. Mangum, Stephen L. Mangum and Andrew M. Sum, The Persistence of Poverty in the United States. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003. $19.95 papercover. Elizabeth Warren.and Amelia Warren Tyagi, The Two-income Trap: Why Middle Class Mothers and Fathers are Going Broke. New York: Basic Books, 2003. $26.00 hardcover.

Nonprofit Management and LeadershipVolume 6, Issue 1 p. 103-111 Research Report The blue river of truth: Literature and philanthropy Robert H. Bremner, Robert H. Bremner Robert H. Bremner is professor emeritus of history at the Ohio State University in Columbus. Among his books are American Philanthropy; The Public Good: Philanthropy and Welfare in the Civil War Period; The Discovery of Poverty in the United States, and Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History.Search for more papers by this author Robert H. Bremner, Robert H. Bremner Robert H. Bremner is professor emeritus of history at the Ohio State University in Columbus. Among his books are American Philanthropy; The Public Good: Philanthropy and Welfare in the Civil War Period; The Discovery of Poverty in the United States, and Giving: Charity and Philanthropy in History.Search for more papers by this author First published: Autumn (Fall) 1995 https://doi.org/10.1002/nml.4130060110 AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume6, Issue1Autumn (Fall) 1995Pages 103-111 RelatedInformation

Inequality and poverty in the United States: public policies for inclusive growthIncome inequality and relative poverty in the United States are among the highest in the OECD and have substantially increased over the past decades.These developments have been associated with a number of other worrying statistics, including low intergenerational social mobility and weak real income growth for many households.A more inclusive pattern of growth would require less pronounced gaps in outcomes and opportunities across social groups and a broader sharing of the benefits of growth.The present paper analyses the causes of US income inequality and relative poverty in an OECD context, especially the role of the tax-and-transfer system, and suggests public policies to promote inclusive growth.To a significant degree, high income inequality is attributable to the large dispersion of earned income, which should be addressed by reforming education, so as to provide disadvantaged students with the skills needed to fully realise their potential.In addition, taxes and transfers contribute less to income redistribution than in other OECD countries.If well designed, reforms that promote inclusive growth could also help reduce the market distortions resulting from the current tax-and-transfer system.In particular, phasing out personal and corporate tax expenditures that disproportionately benefit high earners would lower income inequality and improve resource allocation.As well, social transfers could be more effective in alleviating poverty through better targeting of the truly needy while reducing administrative complexity.

Energy inequity is an issue of increasing urgency. Few policy-relevant datasets evaluate the energy burden of typical American households. Here, we develop a framework using Net Energy Analysis and household socioeconomic data to measure systematic energy inequity among critical groups that need policy attention. We find substantial instances of energy poverty in the United States – 16% of households experience energy poverty as presently defined as spending more than 6% of household income on energy expenditures. More than 5.2 million households above the Federal Poverty Line face energy poverty, disproportionately burdening Black, Hispanic, and Native American communities. For solar, wind, and energy efficiency to address socioeconomic mobility, programs must reduce energy expenditures by expanding eligibility requirements for support and access to improved conservation measures, efficiency upgrades, and distributed renewables. We recommend the United States develop a more inclusive federal energy poverty categorization that increases assistance for household energy costs.

Many of the countries of the Caribbean—such as Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Martinique, or the Dominican Republic—have large immigrant communities in a metropolitan country, such as Great Britain, the United States, France, or Spain, with which they had or still have colonial/imperial relationships. Given the significance of population displacements between colonies and metropoles for the production of foundational texts for postcolonial studies (such as the works of Frantz Fanon and Aime Cesaire), and given that in the United States the marginal status of some racial and ethnic minorities—like African Americans or Mexican Americans—has often been defined as an instance of “internal colonialism” (see Blauner; Carmichael and Hamilton; Cruse; Barrera, Munoz, and Ornelas), the particular situation of colonial migrants merits further exploration to place the experiences of people of color in the United States within a broader context linking migratory and colonial/postcolonial perspectives.

In the fifty years since it was published, The Other America has been established as a seminal work of sociology. This anniversary edition includes Michael Harrington s essays on poverty in the 1970s and 80s as well as a new introduction by Harrington s biographer, Maurice Isserman. This illuminating, profoundly moving classic is still all too relevant for today s America. When Michael Harrington s masterpiece, The Other America, was first published in 1962, it was hailed as an explosive work and became a galvanizing force for the war on poverty. Harrington shed light on the lives of the poor from farm to city and the social forces that relegated them to their difficult situations. He was determined to make poverty in the United States visible and his observations and analyses have had a profound effect on our country, radically changing how we view the poor and the policies we employ to help them.

This study examines the influence of social welfare and tax policies on rates of chronic and transient poverty in the United States for the full population and subgroups. I use longitudinal...

As someone who entered the United States as a foreign student in the late 1980s, my academic career was intensely shaped by the then burgeoning discourses on colonialism and postcolonialism.1 The triumvirate of Said, Spivak, and Bhabha functioned like a citation machine; and despite Said’s Orientalism, South Asia, especially India, dominated as the colonial/ postcolonial site par excellence. Much of this had to do not just with the presence of many a South Asian scholar studying, writing, and teaching in U.S. universities but also with the fact that some of the most brilliant work was being undertaken on India: Lata Mani’s work on the discourses on sati, the work of the Subaltern Studies historians, Spivak’s “Can the Subaltern Speak?” and her famous essays on the Rani of Sirmur, and of course Bhabha’s legendary essays “Sly Civility” and “Signs Taken for Wonders.” The outpouring of anglophone fiction from South Asia, topped off by the publication of Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children, made certain that there would be no dearth of work on South Asian (read Indian) postcolonial fiction, and even today, despite a fairer distribution of attention to other parts of the ex-colonial worlds, works on South Asia continue to dominate the scene. Much has been written about this privileging of South Asia (again, read India) and its incarnation as the quintessential postcolonial site, and I am not going to rehearse the debates here. But suffice it to say that while my teaching spans continents, my first book was part and parcel of the work on the discourse of gender and nationalism in colonial and postcolonial literary representations by British, Bengali, and anglophone South Asian writers. But, in another sense the book was comparative because it brought into play writers working in different languages, and I remember getting a report from Cambridge University Press asking me why there was no chapter on Rushdie.